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What effect the duties proposed on the import of agricultural productions may have on the trade that is purely foreign, and over and above the trade to our colonies and dependencies, which is secured to our merchants and the manufacturers, the petitioners presume not to predict; but if the loss of the whole of such foreign trade were the consequence, they contend, that its effect on the general prosperity of the country can bear no comparison with the injury which has been inflicted on the industry and prosperity of the country by the import of foreign productions, duty free, or at inadequate prices: for, they contend, and doubt not to be able to prove, as far as such general estimates are capable of proof, that the admission of such productions duty free, or at inadequate duties, has cost this country, in seven years, a degradation in value, of what was previously considered to be the most valid and certain property in the nation, viz. land and its productions, to the amount of 754,000,000, leaving the cultivators of the soil with their stock degraded, and their industry subdued, subject to its national debt and taxes, with diminished means of sustaining them.

Such, the petitioners contend, is the present state of the nation: with a constitution the envy and admiration of the world-with a soil whose fertility is boundless--and the industry and consumption of whose people are alike interminable; their soil is neglected, and in many cases abandoned-their agriculture is degraded and degrading

their industry defeated and superseded-and their consumption, sorely against their inclinations, most woefully diminished; and all these aggravated evils, they contend, have been brought upon the country simply and solely by the admission of such an excess of foreign productions, duty free, or at inadequate duties, as to render those of their own creation, first, of twothirds, and now, at the present moment, of only half the value which their own productions yielded, when such imports were obstructed or prevented by the war.

Under these circumstances, the petitioners contend, that none but persons whose incomes far exceed their expenditure, and the fundholders, have the means of maintaining their accustomed mode of life. Not that the petitioners have ever contemplated any reduction in the interest which the latter receive,

as a means of relief to themselves; they are well aware how unavailing, how ineffectual, not to say how dishonoura ble and disgraceful such a measure would be. But this they contend, without fear of refutation, that as long as any of the productions of our own soil shall be admitted into this country, duty free, or at inadequate duties, the consumers of such produce arc exonerated to the amount of the reduction occasioned thereby in the value of the productions of the petitioners, while they the petitioners, and all their goods and chattels, are pledged for the taxes and charges payable in this country, with diminished means of paying them; and they humbly contend, that when it shall be coolly and impartially considered how completely the skill, capital, and industry of the merchants and manufacturers have been for centuries past protected by prohibitory duties in their favour, on every article they import or make, it does not seem unreasonable for the cultivators of the soil to ask of the Government a similar security of the British market for their commodities, which are as much the result of skill, capital, and labour, as any of the productions of our manufacturers.

On these grounds, it is most respect. fully submitted to Government, that nothing but duties on the import of all the productions of our soil, can possibly reach and remedy all the evils which have been the consequence of importing such commodities, duty free, or at inadequate duties.

The petitioners place great reliance on the preponderating influence of its agriculture on the general prosperity of this country; and they allege, that as the creative power of wealth in the agriculture of the country is manifestly more than three to one, when compared with the creative power of wealth in all its commerce and manufactures, it necessarily follows, that if agricul ture be degraded, the commerce and manufactures of the country must lauguish and decline, as all confess they do at this moment.

A single glance at the payments to the property tax, will prove the relative proportions of each of these three great sources of national wealth, and of révenue.

Schedule A. (Land) paid £4,297,247
Schedule B. (Occupiers)..2,176,228

Total on Lan s....£6,473,475

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While Schedule D. (Trade) paid only £2,000,000: thus Land paid as three to one, and £473,475 over, to the property tax, when compared with the commerce and manufactures of the country: and when it is considered that rent is an entirely new creation of property, arising from the skill, capital, and industry of the tenantry, as well as their own profits, the importance of protecting and encouraging that branch of skill, capital, and industry, becomes paramount to every other: and yet, strange and inconsistent as it may appear, every other branch of society is endeavouring to degrade and lower the productions of our soil, by all possible ways and means that can be devised, when a little more reflection might teach them, that it is only by encouraging and protecting the agriculture of this country, that the demand for their several productions is created and supported.

But a doubt has been expressed, in a quarter of very high authority, of the power of Government to relieve the distresses of the petitioners, because, it was said, their distresses did not arise from legislation. The petitioners, on the contrary, allege, that the whole of their distresses arise from the want of legislation, from the want of protection against foreign import duty free, or at inadequate duties, and nothing else: they seek only protection for their own industry; they need no stimulus to their appetite to pay for and consume all that the merchants or manufacturers can import or invent for their comfort or convenience: but because the merchants and manufacturers have ever opposed that protection, inability to purchase and enjoy their goods has been a necessary consequence; and thus each branch of industry, which ought, like one family, mutually to promote each other's prosperity (and there is no real prosperity for either without this), are all parties mutually distressed, and few persons seem to know the real cause of their distress. The earnest, and indeed only prayer, therefore, of the petitioners is, That as the agriculture of the United Kingdom is the fountain from which every other source of industry receives its supplies, and by which every other branch of national industry is principally encouraged, maintained, and supported, it may be referred to a Committee of the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom, to examine, contrast, and

report to the House, the several protecting and probibitory duties, by which according to the laws now in force, the three great branches of national industry, and of revenue, viz. Agricul ture, Commerce, and Manufactures, are severally protected, or omitted to be protected, that such alterations and amendments may be made in such laws and regulations, and such additional duties imposed on the import of all the productions natural to our own soil, as to the wisdom of the House may seem meet, for restoring that equilibrium to the whole, without which neither of the said branches of industry can duly prosper.

But it has been said, in a quarter of still higher authority, that the present embarrassments of the petitioners arise from excess of culture. With the utmost deference for the opinions of that Noble Lord, and with a thorough conviction that be always intends what is best for the general good, the petitioners allege, that in addition to the general evidence they intend to give of the declining state of agriculture in every part of the United Kingdom, they are in possession of the most convincing, demonstrative evidence, that the excess and distress, in the present instance, have arisen from other causes, than human testimony will admit of.

On their coming to London to prosecute their petitions before Parliament, the first object of the petitioners was to enquire and ascertain, if possible, what quantity of free foreign grain was still on hand, that is, what quantity of the thirty millions of bushels of foreign grain imported before the 15th day of February, 1819, (the day the ports closed), and which had never been bonded, still remained in the London market on sale, and they had the satisfaction, or rather the mortification, to discover, that not less than from 40 to 50,000 quarters of wheat alone, besides other grain, remain on hand at this moment in the London market on sale, and has been there from the 15th February, 1819, to the present hour. Here then is the key to half the distress in the country in an instant: the enormous import of 30,000,000 of bushels of foreign grain, imported into this kingdom, duty free, previously to the 15th of February, 1819, has hung like a mill-stone about the necks of the cultivators of this country for two whole years; the markets, during the whole of that period, could never attain a

remunerating price to the petitioners, because from this import wheat, which costs only about 35s. per quarter, when admitted duty free, was always ready to pour into the market, at a profit to the merchants, while the growers here were enduring all the embarrassments and distress which are the occasion of their petitions.-A very few figures will exemplify the operation of this foreign corn on the agriculture of the country, in a way not to be misunderstood.

The population of Great Britain is about 13,000,000 of inhabitants. The petitioners humbly allege, that in justice, in sound policy, and by analogy with the privileges of the merchants and manufacturers, they have a claim to supply these inhabitants with bread. sup

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Poultry, £33. per cent. ad valorem, according to Price Current. Apples pay already

15s. per cwt.

.2d. per lb.

.20s. per cwt. 28s. per cwt. .56s. per cwt.

.37s. 4d. per cwt.

(quite enough) ....5s. per bushet Pears the like (the like) 7s. per bushel All things not enumerated, £33 per cent. ad valorem.

The petitioners humbly pray a permanent duty on grain, instead of any graduated scale of duties, which must refer to the system of averages; of which they have had sufficient experience, to renounce all reference to them for ever.

If such permanent duty prove too small at one period, it may, on any given scale, be as much too high at another, and that will, in the end, be a general average for all seasons and prices.

The petitioners estimate the duty thus:-foreign wheat can be commonly imported at 35s. per quarter, and the the merchant 5s. per quarter profit, to duty 403. per quarter, which will leave compete with the British grower on an average crop; and, in years of scarcity, will enable him to import freely; for, in years of scarcity, any graduated scale of duty ought to rise with the price in this market, or it would cease to be a due protection to the growers: they, therefore, prefer a permanent and fixed duty to every other, as best adapted to the general interests of all parties.

The petitioners must not omit to state to his Majesty's Government, that there are merchants who smile at a duty of 40s. per quarter; and say, that with such a duty they will inundate this country with foreign corn, and undersell the British growers. To this the petitioners reply, they trust they have evinced their moderation and love of justice, by naming the lowest duty at which they can expect or hope for protection; and if, contrary to their calculation, the prediction of such merchants shall be verified, they humbly hope the Legislature will listen to any grievous case that might arise; but the petitioners are the last people in the world to offer themselves to the consideration of Government upon all occasions, as their patience, moderation, and forbearance, for the last seven years, will amply testify.

They propose to adduce evidence of all the allegations set forth in their petitions; and then, with humble confidence, they leave the redress the case they shall make out may require, to the wisdom of his Majesty's Govern ment and the Legislature. They protest, their sole object, in these propositions, is to encrease the general aggregate of productions destined to maintain the taxation of the country, and thereby alleviate the pressure which has arisen, and must continue, from the collection of such prodigious sums from diminished and depreciated means; and this, they contend, can only be effected, by affording every possible protection and encouragement to the agriculture of the country, in the first instance, which will immediately pour its streams into every other channel of industry.

The petitioners conclude their observations with only one further remark, to which they entreat the particular attention of his Majesty's Government, and the Select Committee to whom their petitions may be referred. The duties they have ventured to propose may be, in some instances, considered too high; but they trust it will be recollected, none of them are taxes

upon the industry of this country; on the contrary, they are all taxes on the industry of other nations, and protection to our own: and the experience of the last seven years has convinced some of the most unbelieving of the fact, that the greatest calamity which has been inflicted on this nation, during the present generation, has been the attempt to eat bread at a cheaper rate than it can be produced in this country, with all its expences on its head.

Since the above pages were written, the petitioners have been asked their opinion, by several Members of Parliament, of a general prohibition of grain into this country, subject to admission by an Order in Council in cases of emergency. To this proposition they reply, we should never have a week's rain in this country, nor a frosty night in the spring, but the crops would be all destroyed, and his Majesty's Government would be annoyed with a thousand apprehensions for the fate of the country, a thousand representations, ten thousand misrepresentations, memorials, surveys, certificates of crops, and every engine which the mercantile world know so well how to employ, where expected profit is concerned, for the purpose of opening the ports; which when obtained, if permitted without an adequate duty, would only produce a similar excess, with consequences equally injurious to the country, to the import antecedently to the 15th February, 1819. The petitioners recur, therefore, to their original proposition, with increased conviction on their minds, that there can be no security for their industry in agriculture, nor any validity in agricultural stock, as long as any of the productions of our soil may be imported, under any modification whatever, except the payment of adequate duties, as long as the national debt shall exist, and the merchants and manufacturers shall be protected by all the prohibitory duties granted for the protection of their skill, capital, and industry.

Henderson's Hotel, 15th Feb. 1821.

Report, relative to the Trade with the East Indies and China. Brought from the Lords the 7th of May, 1821. Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed the 7th of May, 1821.

REPORT.

By the Lords Committees appointing a Select Committee to inquire into the Means of extending and securing the Foreign Trade of the Country, and to report to the House; and to whom were referred the Minutes of the Evidence taken before the Select Committee appointed in the last Session of Parliament for the like purpose; and also the several Petitions, Papers, and Accounts which had been referred to that Committee; and also the several Petitions presented in the present Session of Parliament on the subject of Foreign Trade.

ORDERED TO REPORT, THAT the Committee have met, and have proceeded in the enquiry, which had been entered upon by the said Committee appointed in the last session of Parliament, into the state of British commerce with Asia, including as well that which is carried on with the territorial possessions of the Honourable East India Company, as that with the independent States in the same part of the globe.

In the conduct of this enquiry, the Committee have not thought it necessary to direct their attention to the commercial concerns of the East India Company, as administered by the Court of Directors with a view to the interests both political and financial of that corporate body, further than was necessary to elucidate the present state and future prospects of free trade, as affected by existing regulations.

This subject therefore naturally divides itself, according to the various restrictions to which different descriptions of commerce in these regions are now subjected by law: that to the territorial possessions of the Company being carried on by licence only from the Company; that to other parts of southern Asia (China excepted,) and to the islands of the Indian ocean, by licence from the Board of Controul; that to China being entirely prohibited to all British vessels but those in the actual employment of the East India Company; and the whole trade confined to

ships of a certain fixed amount of ton

nage.

The trade which is carried on by licence with the territories of the East

India Company, is confined to the Presidencies of Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta, and the Port of Penang. Some inconveniences and injury to individuals are stated to have arisen, where circumstances have made it desirable to change the destination of vessels from one of these ports to another, after their arrival in the East, in consequence of the delay attendant upon obtaining a permission to do so from the local Government. This indeed may be obviated by obtaining licences including the above-named ports generally, which have been sometimes applied for, and do not appear to have been refused. But the system of repairing licences does not appear to be attended with any public benefit; and a fee is charged for each of them.

A more material advantage might probably accrue to the free trader, from being permitted to trade with other smaller ports on the coasts of Coromandel and Malabar, where the Company have already Collectors of the Customs established, who might effecan illicit trade; tually counteract wider field of adventure whereby a may be opened, and an additional stimulus to commercial intercourse afforded to the native inhabitants. It would, however, be necessary in this case to provide by regulations, which it could not be difficult to establish, against any abuse of this extension of privilege by British vessels carrying on the coasting trade; in which there is every reason to believe they might successfully compete with the native ships, which have hitherto been considered as enjoying a monopoly of that trade, of which the East India Company could not reasonably be expected to deprive their subjects, as long as they are precluded from carrying on the direct trade to Europe in Indian-built vessels. It must be observed, however, that the coasting trade is now open to vessels of other nations, those of the United States not being excluded from it; and instances having been stated to the Committee, in which the Portugueze flag has been allowed to pass from one port to another carrying on trade, from which British European ships are excluded.

The Committee cannot dismiss this

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