The Baldwin School SUMMER CAMP FOR YOUNG BOYS

A Country School for Girls, Bryn Mawr, Penna. Preparation for Bryn Mawr, Mount Holyoke, Smith, Vassar and Wellesley colleges. Also strong general course. Within 26 years 272 students have entered Bryn Mawr College. Fireproof stone building. Abundant outdoor life and athletics. ELIZABETH FORREST JOHNSON, A.B., HEAD of the SCHOOL SWITZERLAND

The Housemother of one of the great preparatory schools for boys will receive ten boys from seven to fourteen years old into her Lodge on the Maine Coast near Portland for the summer. Ocean front and pine woods. Second story bedrooms or tents with counselors. Athletics, recreation, tutoring. Number strictly limited and absolutely satisfactory references required. Especial oversight and mothering. Address Mrs. I. T. Bagley, The Tome School, Port Deposit, Md.

CAMP OXFORD A Summer Camp for Boys,
OXFORD, MAINE
Nineteenth Season. Highest efficiency at minimum rates.
Booklet.
A. F. CALDWELL, A.M. ·

Les Fougères, Lausanne, Switzerland CAMP PESQUATIQUIS

This well-known school for girls, with commodious modern buildings and beautiful surroundings, under the experienced direction of M. and Mme. Chaubert, offers thorough

cal training in languages and other studies, as well as exceptional facilities for riding, lectures, concerts, the drama and Alpine excursions. Best American references on application Sto Mlle. Chaubert, who will sail with a party from New York di in August. Temporary address:

43 Hillhouse Avenue, New Haven, Conn.

LES ALIZIERS, Vevey, Switzerland

Home school for girls. Charming site on the north shore of
Lake Geneva. Girls received at any time in the year.
Special advantages for the study of French. Address

M. et MME. CHA MOREL, Vevey, Switzerland.

VERMONT

BISHOP HOPKINS HALL

An endowed school for girls overlooking Lake Champlain. Dm Well-equipped buildings. All outdoor sports. College preparatory and general courses. Write for booklet. Miss Dellen Seton Ogden, Principal. The Rt. Rev. A. C. A. Hall, President and Chaplain. Box C, Burlington, Vermont.

SUMMER SCHOOLS
Live with a French Family

on the Coast of Maine this summer. Art, Music, French, Dramatica, etc. Sea bathing, sailing, tennis, tramping. Illus trated catalog. 15th year of Commonwealth Art Colony, Boothbay Harbor, Maine. A. Randall, Director.

The Phillips Exeter Academy

Summer Session, Exeter, New Hampshire July 8 to August 30

Address Chairman of Summer Session Faculty.

NEW CIVILIZATION SUMMER SCHOOL JULIA SETON, M.D. Founder, SETON LODGE, Newburgh, N. Y. Season 1919-June 7th to Sept. 1st. This school is for teachers and students interested a higher research. For catalog write

JULIA SETON, M.D., Empire Hotel, New York City.

BOYS' CAMPS

OSSIPEE

A CAMP FOR BOYS UNDER 16 On Lake Ossipee, in the 16th Season White Mountains, New Hampshire. 4 hours from Boston. Unequaled in natural advantages and personal service; original in motive. Rates include tutoring. Address J. C. BUCHER, Director, Peekskill Academy, Peekskill, N.Y.

Eugene Hayden, Director

In the Maine Woods. For boys, 12 to 18. A 250 mile canoe trip of seven weeks. You get some real fishing and see lots of game. Number of boys limited to 25, every boy having the best care possible. Lessons in woodcraft.

For booklet and map, write H. J. STORER, Sec'y and Headmaster, 74 Fayette St., Cambridge, Mass.

245 E. Johnson St., Germantown, Phila., Pa.

CAMP MINNEHAHA

BAT CAVE, N. C.

Home care, Camp fun. Gipsying, Mt. Climbing, Interpretive Dancing, Hand Craft, Nature Study, Camp Honors, Bewing, Domestic Science, Gardening, Competent Councilors. Address Camp Mother, Mrs. BELLE ABBOTT ROXBY.

TRAINING SCHOOLS FOR NURSES

St. John's Riverside Hospital Training
School for Nurses

YONKERS, NEW YORK
Registered in New York State, offers a 3 years' course-a
Require
general training to refined, educated women.
ments one year high school or its equivalent. Apply to the
Directress of Nurses, Yonkers, New York.

MIDDLESEX GENERAL HOSPITAL TRAINING SCHOOL FOR NURSES New Brunswick, N. J., offers a course in training to refined young women having had one year high school or its equivalent. Monthly allowance. Apply to SUPERINTENDENT.

CAMP WAKE ROBIN Woodland, N. Y. Prospect Heights Hospital

YOUNGER BOYS EXCLUSIVELY Woodcraft, nature study, manual training, all sports and swimming. H. O. LITTLE, Lincoln High School, Jersey City, N. J.

Camp Chenango Cooperstown, N. Y.

on Otsego Lake.

For boys Boating, Swimming, Mountain Climbing, Tennis, Baseball Basket-ball. Best of food. Manual Training, Nature Study, Woodcraft, Farming, Character Building. Moderate Rales. NO EXTRAS! Tutoring. Write A. E. LOVELAND, Commercial High School, Brooklyn, New York. Dept. H.

and Brooklyn Maternity

Washington Avenue and St. Johns Place Brooklyn, New York

offers in its Training School an excellent opportunity to young women desiring to enter the nursing profession. The course is two years and six months. Pupils receive a monthly allowance. A class is now being formed. The School Bulletin will be mailed on application addressed to the SUPERINTENDENT.

The Outlook

Copyright, 1919, by The Outlook Company

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Vol. 122

THE OUTLOOK IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THE OUTLOOK COMPANY,

381 FOURTH AVENUE, NEW YORK. LAWRENCE F. ABBOTT,
PRESIDENT. N. T. PULSIFER, VICE-PRESIDENT. FRANK C. HOYT,
TREASURER. ERNEST H. ABBOTT, SECRETARY. TRAVERS D.
CARMAN, ADVERTISING MANAGER.
YEARLY SUBSCRIPTION-
FIFTY-TWO ISSUES-FOUR DOLLARS IN ADVANCE. ENTERED
AS SECOND-CLASS MATTER, JULY 21, 1893, AT THE POST
OFFICE AT NEW YORK, UNDER THE ACT OF MARCH 3, 1879

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE

N Tuesday, May 20, Congress listened to the reading of President Wilson's Message. It was notable as being the first ever sent by an American President by cable from a foreign country and as being also the first Message from President Wilson at the opening of Congress which he has not delivered in person.

The Message deals almost entirely with domestic affairs, the President merely expressing the hope that he will soon be at his post in Washington to report upon the Peace Conference and declaring that "it still seems to be my duty to take part in the counsels of the Peace Conference and contribute what I can to the solution of the innumerable questions to whose settlement it has had to address itself; for they are questions which affect the peace of the whole world, and from them, therefore, the United States cannot stand apart." On domestic affairs Mr. Wilson makes many suggestions and recommendations. Naturally he refers to the appropriations necessary for Government maintenance and the fulfillment of our National engagements, appropriations which were not passed by the previous Congress. This need he speaks of as critical. The labor question receives large attention and stress, but the recommendations

are rather as to the spirit of the legislation than as to specific requirements. Thus the President says:

The object of all reform in this essential matter must be the genuine democratization of industry, based upon a full recognition of the right of those who work, in whatever rank, to participate in some organic way in every decision which directly affects their welfare or the part they are to play in industry.

At just this time special interest. has been felt in what the President might say as to the prohibiting of the manufacture and sale of wines and beers under the present war measure. He believes that it is now safe to remove that ban, but that he has not legal authority to do so without new legislation, for which accordingly he asks. As to woman suffrage, he declares that the passing of the amendment is called for by "every consideration of justice and of public advantage."

Other points of large interest touched upon in the Message are: Assisting returned soldiers in the most liberal spirit to enter into the work of the country, with special recommendation of Secretary Lane's plan as to the undeveloped lands

MAY 28, 1919

and the soldiers; the extending of our merchant shipping system; the reconstitution of the Federal tax system to make it more simple and less burdensome; the adjustment of the "mainstays" of taxation, namely, the income tax, the excess profits tax, and the estate tax-all of which should be made to yield adequate returns without burdening the taxpayers grievously; the returning of the railways and telegraphs and telephones as soon as it can be done, with the statement that the railways will be handed over to their owners at the end of the calendar year; tariff revision under the new international conditions, with special attention to dyestuffs and chemical manufactures.

There is a good deal in this Message, and particularly the passages regarding prohibition and regarding the return of the railway and wire systems, that indicates new trends of action which the Democratic minority in Congress will doubtless follow if they continue to accept the lead of the President as to National legislation.

MISREPRESENTATION

One of the first bills to be introduced in the Sixty-sixth Congress is a measure providing that hereafter each new Congress shall not wait nearly thirteen months before it assembles, but shall meet on March 4 following election.

This is a very conservative, indeed an excessively cautious, attempt to improve a condition that is now undemocratic and dangerous.

At present we tolerate in America unreprésentative government. A man is elected President in November. The President whom he displaces nevertheless remains in office for four months. A man is elected to Congress. In the ordinary

course of affairs the man whom he displaces still remains, with power to legislate, for four months, and the man whom the people have chosen in his place cannot take his seat, unless the President wills it, until the last month of the year after which he has been elected.

The situation which has arisen this year has called public attention to this state of affairs. In the elections last November the people withdrew their support from the Democratic party in Congress and gave it to the Republican party. Nevertheless there was no change. Because the last Congress was prevented by the tactics of what was nominally and

legally the minority party (though not the minority party according to the people's will) from providing necessary funds for the Government, the President was forced to call the new Congress into special session. Otherwise the representatives whom the people elected last November would not have been able to take their seats and carry out the people's will until next December.

This is not the fault of the Constitution. To remedy this state of affairs it is not necessary to go to the trouble of a Constitutional amendment. All that needs to be done is for Congress to enact a law. There is no real reason why the interval between the election and the inauguration of the President or the sitting of Congress should be more than a month. At the furthest the new Congress should take its seat on the first of January, and the new President should begin his term of office on the first of January, following election.

The measure which Mr. McArthur has introduced and which has, it is said, a fair chance of rapid enactment, is but a step in the right direction.

This necessary reform has been the subject of discussion for years. Not only did we point this matter out on March 19, when we said, "Congress, by law under the Constitution, can change the date of the first session of Congress to the 1st of January next following election day," but we have urged the same reform before. In March, 1902, we raised this question. In December, 1905, we said:

66

The Congress elected in November should assemble in the following December, not in the year following-that is, one month, not thirteen months, after the election." And again, in February, 1910, we said: "By all means let Inauguration Day be changed; but let it be put back

from the 4th of March to the 1st of December."

We hope not only that Mr. McArthur's bill will be enacted, but that it will be followed by agitation for further legislation setting both the Presidential inauguration and the first session of each new

Congress not later than the first of January, and preferably the first week in December.

WHAT BEER IS ILLEGAL?

The new National war-time prohibition law prohibits the manufacture, importation, or sale, not of any kind of beer,

but only of beer that is in fact intoxicating. This has been established by the decision of Judge A. N. Hand in the United States District Court in New York. It remains to be established what beer is intoxicating and what is not.

Though the decision was in a case brought by brewers, and therefore applies directly to the manufacture of beer, the decision would in effect apply also to wine.

As in almost all legal cases, the process by which this decision was reached seems rather complicated to the ordinary man. It came about in this way. Last November Congress passed an act "for the purpose of conserving the man power of the Nation and to increase efficiency in the production of arms, munitions, ships, food, and clothing for the Army and Navy." To this end the act prohibits the manufacture of "beer, wine or other intoxicating malt or vinous liquors for beverage purposes". on and after May 1, and the sale of such beverages on and after July 1.

This act must not be confused with the law and the Presidential proclamations limiting or permitting the use of grain in the making of liquors. The act of November 21, 1918, was not a grain conservation measure. It was a measure distinctly for the conservation of man power in industry.

This act, moreover, must not be confused with the Prohibition Amendment to the Constitution. This act was purely a war measure, and its validity depends upon the war power of Congress.

When the 1st of May came, certain brewers continued to brew beer containing 2.75 per cent of alcohol. Expecting prosecution, these brewers applied to the Court for an injunction to restrain the Federal officers from interfering with the manufacture of that beer. The Federal Government, represented by the United States District Attorney, asked to have the brewers' plea for an injunction dismissed on two grounds: first, that the complainants had no right to bring a suit against the United States Attorney; and, second, that the statute prohibited the complainants from brewing any beer, whether it contained 2.75 per cent alcohol or not. Judge Hand decided that the United States Attorney could be enjoined. He also decided that the statute did not prohibit the manufacture of all beer, but only beer that is intoxicating, and therefore that the brewers had a right to ask for an injunction if they could show that the beer they were making was not intoxicating.

Judge Hand distinctly said that in this particular action the question whether beer having 2.75 per cent alcohol is intoxicating was not before him for decision. That is a question which remains to be settled.

That question ought not to be settled

by juries nor by the courts. If the`question were submitted to juries, there would be varying verdicts, and no man would know in advance of being tried what the law really meant or what his rights were. If the question were left to the courts, there would be more uniformity, but there might be as many definitions as there are States, since the enforcement of law, when prohibition becomes a Constitutional provision, will be left to both the States and to the Federal Government. The question ought to be settled by Congressional enactment. Two definitions seem to be possible; one stating the maximum percentage of alcohol allowable; the other defining as intoxicating any product of fermentation or distillation. Whatever the definition may be, it ought to be clear and definite.

WILL GERMANY SIGN?

No treaty drawn up by the Allied Powers would have been received by Germany with approval. The fact, therefore, that the Germans are complaining against the terms of the treaty that has been presented to them is not in the least surprising. Ebert, the German President, who may be called a chosen successor to the Kaiser, has declared publicly that Germany would "never sign the peace terms." He has characterized them as the "product of the enemies' revengeful hysteria." The German newspapers complain that Germany was hoodwinked into agreeing to a cessation of hostilities by a promise that the peace would be in accordance with President Wilson's Fourteen Points, and then has been subjected to the imposition of conditions that belie the promise made. The Germans complain that Germany is not admitted as an equal among peoples into the League of Nations; that the payments which she is called upon to make in which she is called upon to make in reparation for the damage she has done will subject her to economic servitude; that she is called upon to disarm, while the nations she has fought retain their weapons, their armies, and their navies; that territory occupied by Germans has been taken from them; that she is deprived of her colonies and is not allowed to become a mandatory Power like France

and England; that by the taking away of her merchant marine, men accustomed to the sea will be thrown out of employ ment. In brief, Germany feels injured in not being treated as a civilized Power on equal terms with the nations against which she has made war.

Meetings have been held in various parts of Germany protesting against the Treaty. Some of these meetings, held by German Socialists, appeal to the French Socialists and the Socialists of other countries of the Allies. Their protest is based upon the common interest of the workers in all parts of the world. There is fertile ground in the minds of a certain type of internationalist in England, France, Belgium, and Italy, and even in the United States, in which this German seed may sprout. The basis of all these appeals is the assumption that both sides in the World War were fighting for the t same thing, that all the nations are virtually equally guilty, and that hostilities ceased by mutual agreement. Certainly what the Germans have been saying, and what some of their sympathizers have said also, could not have been said if the armistice had been the result of what was obviously to their minds an unconditional surrender.

Of course Germany is not helping her case with the great majority of people by her complaints. It is reported that the Allies in answering the German contentions tried to show Germany that she has got to bear her share at least of the economic losses and burdens that have resulted from the war she has made, and that they tried to get into the heads of the Germans that Germany's complaint concerning the loss of her merchant marine because it will throw people out of work is preposterous, in view of the fact that the illegal and murderous attacks of the German submarine have had the unfortunate effect of throwing seamen out of work throughout the world.

It seems to be generally assumed that the Germans, after using every means to ameliorate the terms, will sign the Treaty. The German Government is undoubtedly put into an extremely difficult position. If it approves the signing of the Treaty, it will be accused of consenting to bondage. If it declines to sign, it will be accused of opening the whole country to occupation by foreign troops and to administration by foreign rulers. It is a predicament, however, that is the inevita ble consequence of the crime which the German Imperial Government, with the consent and support of the German people, committed. One American doughboy has made a comment upon the Peace Treaty that is terse and to the point. The staff correspondent of the New York "Globe" interviewed some Americans who fought the Germans, and asked them

what they thought of the Treaty. And this is one of the comments he received: "I don't see how they can sign this thing, and yet I have a feeling that it isn't altogether strict enough, in some things. They ought to make the Heinies build up every house they destroyed in France, and they ought to put their officers at the work, with buck privates superintending the job."

LUDENDORFF SPEAKS

If any Americans think or imagine Tthat the German believers in militarism have been disillusioned by the outcome of the war, it is because it is hard for an American to appreciate the German milintary man's state of mind. Whether Amerticans understand that state of mind or

not, however, it is important that they should realize that it still is a menace. As a means to this end, service has been rendered by the New York "Evening Post" in printing an interview by Charles Victor, its foreign correspondent, with Field-Marshal von Ludendorff.

"The man who lost the greatest war in the world's history," writes Mr. Victor, "is the embodiment of senseless, brutal force.... His square, reddish face would be handsome except for the expression of pugnacity and brutal cynicism which rarely leaves it." In summing up at the outset what this German general said Mr. Victor writes: "He refused to cond cede that the entry of America into the war made the slightest difference, and

de stubbornly held to the conviction that d except for the revolution Germany would have won the war."

After refusing to be interviewed, beyond giving out a printed statement that he stood aloof from any movement among the German people and was living the life of a private citizen, writing his book, he was drawn into a statement on the military advantage of tanks. He'rejected as nonsense the opinion that the materials used in the construction of U-boats should I have been used for tanks, tanks, and more tanks, and then added: "U-boats were absolutely necessary. They brought England to the verge of economic colha lapse."

"I understand it to be a national policy," I said in my best scientific German, which follows the dictates of military strategy rather than the culti vation of good international relations. Don't you think that in this sense Germany was more militaristic than France or England?"

"No," he shot back. "Who do you think made Germany's policy before the war ?"

"We think the Kaiser did."

"No. Bethmann Hollweg, and more flabby policy could not be imagined," he added, with an expression of undisguised disgust. "Not a single military man had any influence. It would have been better if the soldiers had had something to say. What is it that made Germany great and prosperous? The strong Government (straffe Regierung) of former years. Militarism! Certainly

France was more militaristic than we. It was France that cultivated the revenge idea, that taught its children that' AlsaceLorraine is French.""

"Is it your idea, then, that the war would not have come if soldiers had guided Germany's policy ?"

66 Perhaps not. The war was not necessary. It was necessary for us because it was forced on us."

"You admit, then, that it would have been better if it had not come-for humanity..."

"Humanity.!" he broke in, furiously; "America came into the war to make money and you Americans talk to me of humanity? No, I have no faith in 'humanity.' At the outset of the interview he was peevish; now he was fighting mad.

"But supposing Germany had won..." This restored his equilibrium, and the first smile flitted across his stern bulldog face. "That," he grinned, "would have been beautiful."

Such a statement is valuable because it reminds us that the danger of Germany to the world was not primarily in her guns or her other resources, nor even in her alleged efficiency; but it was in her state of mind. The armistice did not change that state of mind. We have abundant proof of that. This utterance of Ludendorff, like the utterances of Erzberger, Ebert, and others in Germany, should keep the rest of the world on guard. It is no time to relax vigilance.

DAVID HUMMELL GREER

One of the great religious leaders of the United States died last week. His distinction was not in the office he held, as the Protestant Episcopal Bishop of New York, but in the service he rendered. It was not because he exercised great

but because he served his fellow-men with so great devotion.

Born in 1844, in Wheeling, West Virginia, educated at Washington and Jefferson College, Kenyon College, and the. Seminary at Gambier, David Hummell Greer began his ministry as a rector in Clarksburg, West Virginia, going from there to Covington, Kentucky, and three years later to Providence, Rhode Island, and from there to New York. From 1888, for sixteen years, he was rector of St. Bartholomew's, and then became Bishop Coadjutor, and, on Bishop Potter's death, Bishop of New York.

He was a preacher of power, and, particularly in his earlier career as rector of St. Bartholomew's, his preaching had great virility. In later years, weighed down by the responsibilities of an onerous administrative office, he undoubtedly felt the limitations which other men have felt in the same office. Phillips Brooks felt them when he became Bishop of Massachusetts. Moreover, the world war oppressed his soul and gave him distress because of the magnitude of human suffering it inflicted. And yet this man, who in later years spoke so much in deploring strife, preached, as one member of the staff of The Outlook can testify, during the Spanish War on the Christian use of passion-a memorable sermon showing how combativeness can be made holy and righteous by a righteous and holy cause.

What Bishop David Hummell Greer, however, will be remembered for is, primarily, his contribution to the great movement, characteristic of our time, of infusing the Christian spirit into what is known as social service. In 1888 he was called to two churches. Of the two he chose the one where there were empty pews to fill and where there was the harder work to do. At that time St. Bartholomew's had not the popularity and the attendance that it gained under his ministry. When he left it, it had not only a congregation consisting of many who were rich and resourceful, but a record of human service that is matched by but few churches in this country. Its great parish house in East Forty-second Street occupies almost an entire city block.

There are a clinic and dispensary, clubs for boys and girls, for men and women, a gymnasium, an employment bureau, a fresh-air mission which conducts a farm and vacation home in Connecticut, a penny provident fund, a rescue mission, a tailor shop, a sewing school, a kindergarten, a bureau for the distribution of coal and wood, a boys' brigade, a training school, and other organizations, all serving a great population, or, rather, providing means by which this great population can find access to the things