proper remedies. They point out that the high rate of financial aid given. to the unemployed makes unemployment a convenient and lucrative condition to cultivate. They also insist that no entrepreneur can consistently be asked to undertake or even continue production if the present rate of salaries is to prevail. But what they can find no remedy for, while they all admit its existence, is a deep-seated aversion to work among the working classes.

In stating that unemployment has be come a veritable profession that supports its man better than if he worked, the "Simplicissimus" of January 7 brings a cartoon representing two workmen in front of an official billetin offering employment in the mines near the resort of Walchensee. "Well, I don't know," says one of the men; "it's a good place for winter sports. I might yet have my unemployment allotment sent there for the coming months." And no wonder that idleness is so highly prized. In Munich the minimum for men per day is four marks, and for the women three. In adaddition the unemployed receive free theater and movie tickets as well as entrée to the concerts. And, with all this, the Münchner Post" is in a position to be able to report that on January 7 a massmeeting passed a resolution demanding an increase in the " indemnities to ten marks per day, and with retroactive fea

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tures.

It is thus possible, under present circumstances, for the allotment to exceed the salary received from steady occupations, so that even if the workman has accepted a position he is ready to desert it at a moment's notice, especially if his renewed demands are not properly heeded. That this situation is, in turn, the mother of multitudinous strikes, without much rhyme or reason, has been recognized by the Independent Socialists themselves. Witness the manifesto signed on January 2 by their leaders, Strobel, Hoffmann, and Rosenfeld: "Claims for increase in wages have of late become so frequent as to give rise to grave fears for the ruin of our productions. This can have for a result only unemployment, hunger, and misery. The exploitations of the state are conditioned by the same rules as those of private industries. Neither the railways nor the mines nor the other industries of the state can support much longer a condition of affairs under which the expenses are greater than the receipts.'

The essential and outstanding fact is that Germany does not work any more. Germany has ceased to be the industrious land of painstaking artisans. The muchvaunted conscientiousness of the German workman is gone-gone at least for the time being. And this fact has been known-and concealed-by the Germans since the end of 1918, when one of the Socialist Ministers in charge of economic reconstruction, August Muller, made his report on the economic situation and the

Soldiers in the country idle away their time in inns and about the villages. They sell their arms and horses in order to keep up their indolent estate. Coal, wood, and quarry stones are in immediate demand for reconstruction. But there is no one or few to lift the snow, to fell the trees, or to break the stones, and the miners seem to have taken to strikes with a will and a vigor. It is asserted on every hand that it is useless to increase the wages when Germany becomes daily less able to produce. "It is an error," states a Berlin journal, "to believe that lack of raw materials is the only cause of the staggering unemployment. We can say without difficulty that a large number of workmen are voluntary idlers. Four years of the war has taken away the taste for work." ("Welt am Montag," January 19, 1919.)

A formal avowal of this fact has even been made by the official organ of the Berlin Government, "Vorwärts," January 18: "In certain branches of our economic life there are orders in quantities. But we are constrained to admit the regrettable circumstance that the production has, on account of voluntary suspensions of work, and due also to sabotage, taken a frightful slump. For instance, in a locomotive factory near Berlin where before the Revolution an engine was turned out every day, there has not been made a single locomotive during the entire month of December. The orders would have made full production possible and the need for raw materials was largely covered."

This same organ of Ebert and of Scheidemann, alarmed at the lawlessness, declares accordingly, on February 2, what no modern Socialist newspaper has ever been found to declare, namely, that if the present situation continues it would be regretted that the capitalistic constraint has been removed! In other words, the acknowledgment is made and documented that the Socialistic feeling of duty and responsibility towards the working classes offers no incentive to work, and that it has actually paid the workers to simulate unemployment.

Nor have the remedies proposed done away with the proved charms of otiose dignity. True, on January 24, 1919, the new governmental order was to take effect according to which the various communities are invited to withdraw assistance from those who refuse to accept work to which they are sent, even if the work is of a different profession and in a

strange locality, provided the physic status of the men selected is satisfactor and the salary offered is not inferior 1 that prevailing in the communities then selves. This first step towards obligator labor has since been found to be mere a paper measure. Workmen refuse change their residence, refuse to be se arated from their families and the friends, offer organized protest to attempts at being "colonized" at stran places, and prefer to remain in the tow ships where, on one pretext or other, th can peacefully receive their allotment, j stead of handling the spade, the rake, the plowshare.

To conclude this survey, unemple ment in Germany is not the result lack of foodstuffs or of raw materials industries so much as of a change, and radical one at that, in the inner dispo tion of the German workman. T ancient discipline founded on the noti of "service" and dependence has be abolished. But the free discipline the Socialism is aiming to have each man i pose upon his conscience, the notion social service, in short, has not yet four its way into the proletariat cast of thoug Like Kundry, laborite Germany is mü müde! The disillusionment of defe the sudden discovery that, instead of en mous indemnities from their enemi they themselves were to be placed bondage in order to expiate their crim have worked with all the malice and m chief of the incubus of discourageme The Germans have, it is easily understa able, labored hard to realize the nation dream of world-greatness. Their factor have belched incessant fire, their bro have been bathed in oceans of sweat. A all this to no avail. Is it to be wonder at, then, that but few give a momen thought to the urgent need of work, th the large masses of workmen refuse lend an ear to what they now term 1 "False Gospel of Labor "?

This one lesson, then, stands out preme amid the clamor and clash of t Peace Conference politicians, a lesson of the mouths of the Germans themselv whining with fear or loud with impote defiance as they now appear to us. Wh a goodly section of the German pr demands that we incontinently se raw material and foodstuffs in unlimit quantities, an equally influential numb of them admit that, having started t war with hopes of an economic, if no political, domination of the globe, t German masses are unable to rise abo the disillusionment of their defeat. T war has robbed them of their energi In strange perverseness, they insist up prolonging the obsequies and deepeni the mourning. In short, together wi Russia, they are the classic example of nation of slackers. What Germany nee is not food or raw material so much. a sound pulling together of the individu nerves in order to overcome her ruino national neurasthenia.

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Aberdeen, was Lord Aberdeen to whom Byron referred when, in his satire on "English Bards and Scotch Reviewers," he wrote:

"First in the oat-fed phalanx shall be seen The travel'd thane, Athenian Aberdeen." Oat-fed and Athenian would seem to be a strange conjunction; but of course Byron was using the former epithet to fit the main drift of his philippic as a whole; and the somewhat jeering expression recalls Dr. Johnson's entry in his dictionary where the word "oats" is thus explained: "A species of grain used in England for feeding horses and in Scotland for feeding men ;" and it will be resmembered that a repartee to this would

be sarcasm was given by the Scot who, on being twitted with Dr. Johnson's definition, replied: "Yes, and where will you find better horses or better men?"

After filling various important offices of state during a long spell of public life (which had been commenced at an early dage), Lord Aberdeen became Prime Minister at the beginning of the year 1853.

was then about six years old, and my recollections of my grandfather are very distinct; and no wonder, for he was essentially genial and kind to children. It was his regular habit to drive down from his London house every Saturday or Sunday to the Rangers' Lodge in Greenwich Park (of which he was Ranger), the house being occupied by his eldest son, Lord Haddo, and Lady Haddo, to whom he was devotedly attached. During these rk visits Iused frequently to request him to bring me some specially designated toy when next he came to see us, and he would then tie a knot in his pockethandkerchief as a reminder. On one occasion my request was for " a cow and a amel." Possibly I had seen in some picture-book these animals harnessed together, though one would think that such combination would be rare Bible lands; but sure enough my grandfather on his next arrival produced a toy Cow and a camel, though, as he explained, these were not obtainable yoked together. This occurred during the absorbingly anxious and difficult time of his Premiership. It will perhaps be permissible to recall One other small incident of this period because it is illustrative of the subject of my sketch.

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The garden of the Rangers' Lodge was arge and well kept. The head gardener was named Basket (his real name). He always appeared in a tall hat-no doubt. somewhat antique. He also wore a blue pron tucked to one side except when he was engaged in potting plants. I am sure he was a good gardener, but his temper as not always affable, at least so it seemed to us children. And on one occasion he complained to my grandfather hat the children were a trouble and in

erdeen at once bethought him of a historic utterance by King Louis Philippe, who was once, through some inadvertence, surprised by the sudden entry of one of the foreign Ambassadors while he, the King, was romping with his children or grandchildren on the floor. The embarrassing moment was relieved by the tact of the King, who, drawing himself up, said to the Ambassador:

"Et vous, Excellence, vous avez des enfants?" And so Lord Aberdeen, adopting a somewhat oracular tone, met the point of the complaint by saying:

"Mr. Basket, have you any children?" To which the worthy gardener-replied, Indeed, yes, my lord; and one of my boys is a clerk in an office, and I shall be

very glad if your lordship will use your influence to get him promoted.'

I have alluded to these incidents as indicating how different Lord Aberdeen was in private life from the austere and solemn person that he was widely supposed by repute to be-and it must be admitted that his manner and aspect were sometimes such to give to strangers some ground for that impres sion. Thus Mr. Gladstone used to tell us that when, in the year 1837, Sir Robert Peel offered to him the position of UnderSecretary for the Colonies Mr. Gladstone's first important official post-Sir Robert added, "You'd better go at once to see Lord Aberdeen," who was then Secretary of State for the Colonies; and Mr. Gladstone declared that he went

with feelings of veritable trepidation and alarm, because, as he said, although he

acter, he had also always understood that he was a man of cold manners and haughty reserve; but before three minutes of conversation, all Mr. Gladstone's apprehensions "melted away like snow in the sun," and that interview was the commencement of a friendship which lasted during the remainder of Lord Aberdeen's life. Of this friendship Mr. Gladstone also said to me, "I have admired and respected many statesmen, but of your grandfather alone I could say that I loved him."

As Prime Minister Lord Aberdeen had no easy task. His Government was a coalition, which of course usually means that all the ordinary difficulties of a Prime Minister are inevitably increased, especially when such an administration includes several members whose previous careers or attainments cause them to feel that they would be quite as fully qualified as the Premier (or, in their own opinion, even better, qualified) to occupy his position. Such, for instance, was ap parently the attitude of one of Lord Aberdeen's colleagues, Lord Palmerston. During one of my grandfather's weekly visits to the Rangers' Lodge Lady Haddo said to him: "But, papa, if Lord Palmerston is so anxious to be Secretary for War, why not appoint him?" "Well, you see,' replied my grandfather, "this is a coalition Government, and we must keep the balance of parties. Already there are seven Whigs to five Peelites; and the War Office being at such a time as this the most important post next to the Prime Minister's, if I put Palmerston there, the effect would be disturbing; so the Duke of Newcastle must be Secretary for War and Palmerston will have the Home Office." This was just what Lord Palmerston did not desire, and he became a decidedly restless member of the team. A little story is told, which, so far as I know, has never appeared in print, that may possibly indicate that Lord Palmerston did not take a very serious view of the duties of his department; at any rate, it illustrates a certain easy jocularity which became one of his characteristics and certainly promoted his later successes and popularity. A certain notorious criminal named Palmer had been hung for poisoning. The local authorities of the town where he had lived, which I need not mention, considered that it would be desirable that the name of the place should be altered; and accordingly a deputation proceeded to London to place this request before the Home Secretary. Lord Palmerston discouraged the idea, but eventually said: "Well, gentlemen, if you are bent upon changing the designation of your town, why not let it be named after me, as I happen to be at present the Secretary of State for Home Affairs?" After brief reflection the deputation withdrew, and the name of the

town has remained unchanged to this day, and surely without detriment.

But if Lord Palmerston was a troublesome member of the Cabinet, Lord John Russell was not less a disturbing force. He frequently threatened to resign, and, although there need be no question as to his sincerity, the course which he eventually adopted (namely, resigning at the moment when there was most need for loyal co-operation-that is to say, in the face of a motion which was practically a vote of censure on the Government) was most embarrassing for his colleagues.

It may be permissible to quote here a portion of a letter written some time previously by Lord Aberdeen to the Duke of Newcastle :

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"You must allow me, my dear Duke, very strongly to recommend to you a disposition to put the most charitable construction upon all things. If we are to act at all with Lord John, it is clear that to do so to any good purpose it must be upon a footing of mutual confidence and respect. He may have many failings, which we all have, but if I did not think him essentially honorable and true there could be no cordiality between us, and therefore no common.action.”

It is tempting to quote further from the correspondence of that period, but doubtless the indulgence of the editors of The Outlook must not be too freely taxed. Fortunately a biography of Lord Aberdeen is now in course of preparation, and its publication may be looked for in the near future.1

During the winter of 1853-4 ominous war clouds were accumulating and a war fever was being fomented throughout England. The Prime Minister was by disposition eminently a man of peace. And, even apart from this, he had in early life passed through an experience which indelibly impressed upon him a vivid sense of the horrors of war.

It happened that in the year 1813, before he was thirty years of age, he was intrusted by the British Government with an important embassy, the primary object of which was to induce Austria to join the allies in the great war against Napoleon. This mission (the purpose of which was attained) involved Lord Aberdeen's personal presence at the various headquarters of the allies during an extended period, and during his travels in company with the allied armies he witnessed scenes, especially after the battle of Leipsic, which were of an appalling character. In those days, of course, there were no "high explosives," etc.; on the other hand, the arrangements for the care of the wounded were lamentably defective; and it was such sights as that of many wounded men left. lying among the dead on the battlefield sometimes for days together, crying, often in vain, for help, that imparted to Lord Aberdeen "that abhorrence of any but defensive

The editing of the work has been intrusted by the present Lord Aberdeen to Lady Frances Balfour, daughter of the Duke of Argyle, who held his first public office in the fourth Earl's administration. Lady Frances Balfour has already made her mark in literature. She is a sister-in-law of Mr. Arthur J. Balfour.

war" which he retained for the remainder of his life.

During all the anxious months while the question of war or peace with Russia was being agitated Lord Aberdeen might truly have said in the words of the Psalmist: "I labor for peace; but when I speak unto them thereof, they make them ready for battle." And in March, 1854, war was declared by England and France against Russia.

By the beginning of 1855 there was some hope of a reasonable peace being secured, but the motion in Parliament (already alluded to) for an inquiry into the conduct of the war, which was tantamount to a vote of censure, having been carried, the Aberdeen Cabinet resigned. It is a curious comment, however, on the whirligig of politics and of time that within a very few months most of the members of that Cabinet found themselves again in office, with Lord Palmerston as Prime Minister; and it is worth remarking that in this dénouement Lord Aberdeen, being out of office, gave his assistance and advice in support of Lord Palmerston.

When I again saw my grandfather, in 1856, at the family home in Scotland, he was much changed. No doubt advancing years had their effect, but I am convinced that it was the war that broke his health and spirits; and I cannot remember seeing him smile again. A pathetic proof of the depth of his feelings on that subject came to light after his death. I must premise that the improvements I must premise that the improvements carried out by him on his Scottish estates had included the building of schools, manses, etc., in addition, of course, to the erection of numerous buildings connected with agriculture and the planting of millions of trees. A new church was contemplated for the parish of Methlick, in which Haddo House is situated; but, to the surprise of many who knew how congenial to him would be the building of a new church, which was certainly needed, Lord Aberdeen indicated that he would leave that work to be done by his eldest son when he succeeded to the title and estate; and after Lord Aberdeen had passed away there was found among his private documents something which explained his attitude; namely, on slips of paper were written by his own hand the words of verses in the Old Testament (1 Chron. xxii. 7, 8): “ And David said to Solomon, My son, as for me, it was in my mind to build an house unto the name of the Lord my God: but the word of the Lord came to me, saying, Thou hast shed blood abundantly, and hast made great wars thou shalt not build an house unto my name, because thou hast shed much the earth in my sight.' blood upon But, although the declining years of his life were thus saddened, there was serenity and the old domestic charm. Being still a small urchin, I used often while my grandfather was breakfasting to present to him a billiard ball, which was supposed to represent a boiled egg, placed in the cup-shaped top of an inkstand. There was an interested motive in this attention, for it was gravely re

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sponded to by the bestowal of bun and jam, these being of course unattainable at my much earlier Spartan breakfast in the nursery.

In the autumn of 1857 there was an episode which cheered and gratified Lord Aberdeen. This was a visit from Queen Victoria, who was accompanied by the Prince Consort and most of their family.

The

Lord Aberdeen's feeling toward the Queen was always that of a peculiarly affectionate and loyal devotion. warmth of her Majesty's friendship for him was no secret, and it was of no ephemeral sort. I possess a volume ("Life of the Prince Consort"), received as a gracious gift from Queen Victoria, which bears on the fly-leaf, in her Majesty's autograph, these words:

"To John Campbell Gordon," etc., "Grandson of the Queen's valued friend, the Fourth Earl of Aberdeen. "VICTORIA, R."

Lord Aberdeen's death took place in December, 1860.

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In the British National Temple of Fame, Westminster Abbey, his monument is a fine marble bust, and below it are inscribed simply his name and one single word in Greek character-AikaιÓTATOS-“ Most Just." This epitaph was suggested by Dean Stanley, and no doubt there is an appropriateness in this mode of attributing, through the language of the Athenians, this high and noble quality. But no one single expression could delineate the main features of a truly comprehensive character, and I venture to conclude by quoting some brief expressions from a tribute to Lord Aberdeen which was offered by his distinguished friend Mr. Gladstone:

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"There were several mental virtues that he possessed in a degree very pecu liar; there were, I think, one or two in which he stood almost alone. name the following characteristics, one and all of which were more prominent in him than in any public man I ever knew mental calmness; the absence of all ego tism; the love of exact justice; a thorougl tolerance of spirit; and last, and most o all, an entire absence of suspicion. There was something very remarkable in th combination of these qualities as well a in their separate possession. . . . Thi entire immunity from suspicion, which makes our minds in general like a haunte place, and the sense of the immunit which he conveyed to his friends in al his dealings with them, combined wit the deep serenity of his mind, which eve seemed to beguile and allay by som kindly process of nature excitement i others, gave an indescribable charm to a intercourse with him in critical and di ficult circumstances.. .. All the qual ties and parts in which he was great wer those that are the very foundation-stone of our being; as foundation-stones the are deep, and as being deep they ar withdrawn from view; but time is thei witness and their friend, and in the fina distribution of posthumous fame Lor Aberdeen has nothing to forfeit, he ha only to receive.”