ble

;

proposition should be made seriously. The trouble, as we understand it, originated in the dismissal of a few operators in Atlanta, as the unions allege because of their union connections, as the company alleges because of other reasons. A strike of the operators belonging to the telegraphers' union in Atlanta followed; thence the strike order was extended throughout the Southern States and now it is proposed to call out operators throughout the country in sympahetic support. The operators insist that he real question at issue is the right of ollective bargaining; the company makes he usual reply that it is ready to deal ith committees of employees and that an Cssociation of operators exists which is orking in harmony with the corpora ion. From Cleveland, on June 10, comes The statement that the telephone workers, both oth operators and construction men, and lso the unions of electrical workers not onnected with telegraph or telephone, are dreparing to join the strike purely as a ympathetic demonstration. The recent etion of Secretary Burleson in turning ack to the companies the operation (not the control) of the wires has relieved the overnment of responsibility for these rikes which many think it ought to dave. But if a National strike is declared he Government through its Labor Board of ould certainly intervene.

One benefit to the country might result tomid all the evil, inconvenience, and amage that would follow such a wideale strike-that is, it might serve to bring one patent truth into the practical eld of legislation, the truth that strikes lockouts by bodies of men employed in de public service should be made conary to law, at least certainly illegal ntil arbitration and conciliation have one their best; a necessary corollary is hat authorized and effective methods of ich arbitration should be provided by Law.

BOD

The spread of the sympathetic strike a large scale and its occasional growth to what is called a "general strike," in which all union men, or even all workers ithout regard to trade or employment, re called upon to stop their work in rder to bring pressure upon the settlement of some particular grievance or deand, are likely to divide organized labor nto two camps. The American Federaion of Labor, which is in National seson as we write, is apparently opposed to this "general strike" idea. For instance, it is expected that the American Federation will pronounce positively against the proposal to inaugurate a Nation-wide strike in July in protest gainst the continued imprisonment of Thomas J. Mooney. A large number of individual unions have voted in favor of such a strike, and it is said that a major

ity of the delegates at the American Federation meeting believe that Mooney was unfairly tried and that there should be a remedy. If, therefore, the Federation discountenances such a general strike, it is on the ground that this is an improper and unfitting method of dealing with labor problems. Another similar sign among the more conservative representatives of organized labor is the recent action of the American Federation in taking away its charters from some unions in Canada which have been concerned in the recent dangerous general strikes.

The plan of getting all workmen to act as if they belonged to "one big union" and to strike without regard to the question whether men in their own trades are affected by a labor problem is unsound in reason, extremely dangerous to public welfare in execution, and is so unlimited in its appeal that it will probably prove a total failure and will fall to the ground from its own overweight. The attempts at this method of compulsion by universal threat and boycott that have been made in Seattle and in several Canadian cities have roused public sentiment against the idea and proved that it is intolerable.

A DIVISION AMONG
RADICAL THINKERS

Not only in labor circles, but among Socialists of the type who believe in advancing the ideas of Socialism by political and not by revolutionary methods, litical and not by revolutionary methods, there is coming to be a sharp division. Evidences of this have lately been brought out in the protest of such Socialists against the wild talk of Anarchists who, under the guise of Socialism, advocate "direct action," or, so far as they dare, uphold or suggest the methods of the murderous the murderous villains who institute attacks on organized society, such as the recent bomb explosions in American cities. Mr. Morris Hillquit, for instance, has earnestly protested in behalf of such Socialists against the use of that name in describing the advocates of Russian Bolshevism in this country. He declares that the Socialists must "clear the decks," and stigmatizes the present agitation of the "left wing" of so-called Socialists as "a purely emotional reflex of the situation in Russia, a schis

Socialism they will have anarchism, and they will deserve it," he certainly ranked himself with red revolutionists, and no Socialist of what has come to be comparatively a conservative type should show sympathy for such men or such utter

ances.

Various suggestions and proposals intended to deal with violence and threats of violence have been made since the recent bomb explosions. The opinion of thoughtful statesmen seems to incline to the belief that what is needed is not more law, but better enforcement of the laws we have.

THE WOMAN SUFFRAGE
AMENDMENT

The proposed amendment to the Federal Constitution submitted by the necessary two-thirds vote of the United States Senate to the States for ratification is in its text the identical amendment framed by Susan B. Anthony in 1875. It reads as follows:

Article Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.

Section 2. Congress shall have power, by appropriate legislation, to enforce the provisions of this article.

The vote in the Senate was 56 to 25 in favor of the resolution; there were thus two more affirmative votes than the requisite two-thirds of the Senators present and voting, while eleven Senators were paired or absent. The political complexion of the vote in the Senate, so far as one existed, is shown by the fact that the resolution was supported in the combined vote of the two houses of Congress by 237 Republicans and 121 Democrats, and opposed by 27 Republicans and 87 Democrats. President Wilson sent a cable message of congratulation to the leaders of the woman suffrage cause.

Ratification by thirty-six of the Statesthree-fourths of the forty-eight-will be necessary to bring about the adoption of what may be the Nineteenth Amendment. Illinois and Wisconsin have already ratified. Advocates of Nationwide suffrage are wide suffrage are already planning vigorous campaigns for the doubtful States, and even hope that they may succeed in having special sessions of legislatures called to hasten ratification in time to allow of women voting everywhere at the next Presidential election. They are optimistic as to the probabilities of victory, and base their belief partly on the fact that already twenty-seven States allow women to vote in Presidential elections, and partly on the impetus obtained by the movement as a recognition of women's patriotic aid in war work and through the approval of Congress. As one evidence of the rapidity of the growth

of public sentiment they point to the reversal of New York State's refusal in 1915 by a majority of 185,000 to accept the measure, when two years later it was carried by a majority of 102,000 votes. At that time The Outlook editorially recognized the steady progress of public opinion in this and other countries and the probable success of the effort to give women the ballot. It pointed out also what may here be repeated as now equally applicable, but on a National scale: Wherever woman suffrage is asked for and granted there is laid upon the women a duty of doing something more than drop a ballot in a box. It lays on them the duty of new lines of study, discussion, and thought. A million and three-quarters of uninformed and indifferent voters added to the polling lists of New York State would be a calamity. The addition of a million and three-quarters of thoughtful, intelligent, and conscientious voters would be of inestimable value."

66

THE MENACE OF MEXICO

The constant uneasiness as to the danger of incursions from Mexico into American territory and violence to or pillaging of American citizens may be exaggerated by memories of what happened in Texas at Columbus and elsewhere, but it is certainly felt by the people who live near our border. The latest evidence of this is the earnest declaration of Governor Hobby, of Texas, in a long telegram to the Secretary of War, that the Mexican situation is critical; that an emergency may arise at any moment; that there are not enough troops near our border, and that he would like to have two brigades of the Texan National Guard Cavalry called into the Federal service. Informal reports from the War Department indicate that it considers Governor Hobby unduly alarmed and that the 20,000 troops now near the border are enough to prevent disorder.

The repeated threats of Villa against the Carranza régime and his reported occupation of the city of Chihuahua simply mean that northern Mexico is extremely likely again to be the scene of fierce partisan and guerrilla fighting. Granting Carranza all the good intentions conceivable, few people believe that he can make Mexico free from brigandage on a big scale and revolution perhaps on a small scale from now on until the new election for the Presidency takes place next year. In a sense, fighting is local in Mexico, but it is local in a large area, and, unfortunately, one locality involved is near our border.

Recent remarks of Mr. Gillett, Speaker of the House of Representatives, gave offense to some representatives of Mex

of raw material in Mexico and the resulting great expansion of its exports as an evidence of peaceful and prosperous conditions in that country. Undoubtedly production has enormously increased in certain industries, and exports from Mexico have gone up by leaps and bounds, but this does not alter the fact that in other industries life and property are in danger, or that foreign, and probably especially American, managers and experts are exposed to blackmail and violence. Mr. Gillett said in plain words: "To get protection from either a regular or a bandit government only by paying for it is not civilized. For some years the property and often the lives of foreigners in Mexico have been unsafe." Mexico and the United States may put up with this state of things if they find that Carranza can gradually improve it and educate his people in the schools and in the art of self-government-and it is fair to say that many people believe that Carranza is honestly trying to do this. But if conditions grow worse instead of better the old question of the danger to this country of a next-door neighbor who is quarrelsome at home and abroad will certainly come up in renewed and emphasized form.

THE JEWS IN POLAND

The appearance of new charges of cruelty to Jews in Lithuania has led to further discussion of the treatment of Jews by Poles. Statements that have been made by the Polish Premier, Mr. Paderewski, by General Pilsudski, and by Mr. Hugh Gibson, the American Minister at Warsaw, increase the belief, expressed in a discussion of this subject two weeks ago, that the constant use of the word "pogrom " in this connection is misleading and incorrect. By this we mean that neither the Polish Government nor the Polish army has connived at attacks or outrages upon the Jews, nor have they countenanced religious or racial warfare.

General Pilsudski, who is the President of the Polish Republic, for instance, totally denied that anything of the kind had taken place, while admitting that at Pinsk and at Vilna there had been attacks upon Jews, or fights between Jews and soldiers, which sprang from economic causes and from belief that the Jews attacked were Bolshevist in sympathy or spies of the enemy the Poles were fight ing. Mr. Paderewski says much the same thing, with earnest assurances that his Government is using every effort to preserve order in a newly created country that is being viciously attacked by enemies on more sides than one, and has to deal with hostile sentiments within as well as

that Poland will not tolerate the persecu tion of Jews.

It is clear that searching inquiry should be made into the facts. Both Jews and Poles have asked the Paris Conference t take up the question. It should certainly lend its influence to condemn anything like racial or religious hatred or persecu tion, just so far as that despicable condi tion may exist.

MODERN HEALTH CRUSADERS

A very complete description wa given in these columns under date o February 27, 1918, of the formation o the Modern Health Crusaders and th work the organization had accomplished up to that time. The National Associa tion for the Study and Prevention o Tuberculosis stands sponsor for thi movement, which has for its object the introduction of a system of health educa tion into thousands of elementary schools

The whole Crusade is based on a system of so-called "Health Chores." There ar eleven of these, planned to promote clean liness and health. They are simple tasks such as washing the hands before meals keeping neck, ears, and finger-nails clean breathing deeply, getting plenty of sleep and fresh air, brushing the teeth, and forming regular habits. The chores an made specific. The first one, for instance reads, "I washed my hands before eac meal to-day." Charts have been mad allowing a space to check each chore every day of the week. These are distrib uted through the schools to the parents o the children. There is also a school-roon chart which shows the rank of every mem ber of the class. It is here that the firs competitive feature comes in. A Nation' wide tournament of classroom group was inaugurated on February 9, to last fo fifteen weeks. The trophies for the victor will be pennants and banners, presente jointly by the National Tuberculosi Association and the American Red Cross

The growth of the society has been remarkable. During the early part o last year its membership numbered abou 500,000. There are now, however, i the neighborhood of 3,000,000 America school-children from six to sixteen year of age who have qualified as Crusader through the official Health Chores. This number does not include enlistments in foreign countries to which the Crusade has spread, such as China, Korea, Canada Cuba, and France.

WHAT THE CRUSADERS FIND

There are Crusaders in every State in the Union, Texas having the largest repre sentation of three hundred and ten thousand, Minnesota's recruits numbering two

has the public indorsement of the Governors of some of the States, and the reports

from the superintendents and teachers of

the various schools in all sections of the country are interesting and sometimes amusing. In Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Oklahoma, for instance, there was a great run on tooth-brushes. In one town it is reported that "there was not a tooth-brush to be bought in any of the drug stores. Such news should indicate that our citizens are strong believers in keeping their teeth clean. But such is not altogether the case. The schools are putting on the Modern Health Crusade, and the pupils have taken to it like ducks to water." A Wisconsin superintendent writes: "I wish I had been informed of this campaign long ago, so that I might have stocked up with tooth-brushes, soap, and nail-files. I would be a wealthy man had I been given a tip in time." The use of a common tooth-brush for the family is a more prevalent custom than one would imagine.

In New Mexico a Pueblo Indian boy removed a window from his home in order that he might get the mark for Chore 8. He also bathed in the almost icy river so that he might get the two baths prescribed. Two little boys had never slept with open windows. They were told to take the folders home to their mother and ask her to let them keep the windows open that night. The following morning the teacher met one of the boys, who, without any word of greeting, said: "She said we could, and we did!" So for the first time in their lives these boys slept in the fresh air.

One mother's indorsement is to the effect that her boy "used to fight if he had to wash. Now he would fight if he were not allowed to." And the teachers find that through the carrying out of these Health Chores the work in the classroom is much easier. It is not so often found necessary to send the pupils out to wash. The children look neater, and there is a noticeable improvement in the attendance.

The whole Nation is alive to-day to the need for a health campaign. It was found that three out of every ten men examined

PARTY LEADERSHIP

Imitor Davenport's articles on the

N this issue we print the second of

political and legislative situation in New York State. Mr. Davenport writes as a Republican but not as a partisan.

The problems and necessities that confront his party in the Empire State are those which that party has to face in the Nation as the Presidential campaign of 1920 approaches. The issue of that campaign, as we see it, will be conservativeliberalism versus impetuous radicalism. But no leaders will succeed in conserving what is good in American institutions unless they are genuinely actuated by a spirit of liberal humanism.

If the Republican party expects to receive a popular mandate to administer the affairs of this country, it must see that its great captains and lesser captains are men of high standards and human sympathies.

The National Chairman, Mr. Hays, is such a man. Where are the State chair

men of a similar type? What is the State committee of New York doing to enlist the civic enthusiasm of the younger voters? Are other States any more alive to the necessities of the situation? We

are not making criticisms, we are asking questions.

Theodore Roosevelt in 1910, in addressing the Sorbonne at Paris, said something that deserves re-reading at this juncture in Republican circles. These are his words:

"The average citizen must be a good citizen if our republics are to succeed. The stream will not permanently rise higher than the main source; and the main source of national power and national greatness is found in the average citizenship of the nation. Therefore it behooves us to do our best to see that the standard of the average citizen is kept high; and the standard cannot be kept high unless the standard of the leaders is very much higher."

MAKING THE LEAGUE A PERSONAL ISSUE

physical disability, and in the vast majority of cases these physical defects could have been prevented if habits of health had been formed in childhood.

Like the Americanization work which is being done among the foreign-born in the schools, this Health Crusade among the children is carried into the homes throughout the land. Full information concerning the plan of organization and the work of the Modern Health Crusaders can be obtained from the Anti-Tuberculosis Associations of the various States or from the National Tuberculosis Association, 381 Fourth Avenue, New York City.

Personalities in debate never persuade. Searching for hidden motives invariably fails to reveal convincing arguments. This is something that every man's experience teaches. It would seem, therefore, that men engaged in the discussion of great questions might avoid in the course of their debate what they must know never serves any man's case. Yet a great deal of the debate over the League of Nations has little to do with the merits of the question.

Of what use is it to accuse the men who oppose or support the project for a League of Nations of being actuated by

partisan politics? Those who are oppose to the League are not going to be pe suaded to support it by being told th they are prejudiced partisans. And tho who are supporting the League will be r readier to listen to arguments againstbecause they hear themselves denounc for their partisanship. Here, for exampl is a sentence from one newspaper artic in support of the League: "Looking all this, I would deliberately say thatwould rather take my stand with Jud Iscariot, with Abdul the Damned, wi

the memories of that vile court that se tenced Joan of Arc to flames, with Jol Wilkes Booth or Charles J. Guitea than line up with a purpose so diabolica so far-reaching in its mischievous effects, that of defeating the League of Nations The opponents of the League can riv its supporters, however, in this sort debate. Here is an illustration from

speech in the United States Senate

66

There is an ex-President of the Unite States who is quite active in promotin amended League. He says that pygmiz the League, both the original and thi and old ladies are the only ones who a opposing either form of the League.

he were to put on a kimono and shay off his mustache, Mr. President, he wou be the prize dowager of the whole bea

teous sisterhood."

As the debate continues in the publ press and in the Senate Chamber one; impelled toward undiscriminating su port of the League by its opponents, on to find one's self repelled from the Leag by its supporters. On the one hand, th American citizen seeking enlightenmer is informed that the Covenant of th League of Nations is the price at whic European nations have purchased Pres. dent Wilson's support of their ambitio schemes. On the other hand, the Amer can citizen is informed that opposition t the League is a "song of hate again President Wilson."

It has become difficult to discuss th Covenant of the League of Nations, embodied in the Treaty of Peace, witho incurring charges of partisanship from one side or the other. The whole que tion has become involved with the pe sonality of the President and par strategy for the coming campaign.

This is the inevitable consequence the way in which the Treaty has bee drawn and the League of Nations pro mulgated. When the American Commi sioners to Negotiate Peace were selected they were chosen without consultation with the Senate. They were thus made th personal representatives of President Wi son. There is no Constitutional require ment that prevents the President from negotiating a treaty without consulting the Senate. The right of the Senate t deal with a treaty arises after the treat;

TR

ment which is to function on some occavisions on behalf, if not instead, of the

he can be effectively answered only when it is shown that he is not attacking the League itself, but only its counterfeit.

No greater duty rests upon the American people to-day than to hear a full and free discussion of the Peace Treaty's merits and defects.

WHAT THE JUGOSLAVS WANT

T is hard for Americans, accustomed

nally a part of Austria-Hungary were open and vigorous allies of the free nations. That is not true of the Croats.

It is natural that the men who are forming, or trying to form, the new, scarcely nascent, state of Jugoslavia should speak of the Jugoslavs as if they were really all one people. They are not, and it is dangerous to ignore the fact that they are not. They may win unity, but they do not have it now. They must be helped to unity, doubtless, but they cannot be helped by a process of disre

States. Thus it has happened that for America's part in the creation of a Jnew world organization President Wilson has made himself responsible. He has denied to the legislative branch of of the United States Government knowledge of the process of negotiating this ths Treaty. He has withheld the text of the tion Treaty even after it had been presented tes to the Germans. And he has deprecated

discussion of it. He has chosen to act pas America's sole representative in the nal drafting of the new international organihatation and to identify himself with its fortunes.

La In pursuing this course he has, perhaps, acted within his technical Constitutional trights. Nevertheless the consequence is why that those who support the Treaty find it difficult to do so without seeming to be partisan supporters of the President, mwhile those who even criticise any of its na features rest under the imputation of being actuated by partisan animosity. th Cannot we Americans rid ourselves of this mental bondage to the partisan spirit? Can we not discuss this momentous project on its merits? There is no hope for the success of the League of Nations if it is adopted on partisan or personal grounds. It can succeed only if it has the behind it the power of an enlightened public opinion. If it has serious defects, they should be discovered and corrected before it is adopted. If it is on the whole da useful instrument for securing international justice, it is nevertheless only an instrument. The energy which will use it will be the human will; and if that is lacking, the instrument will be as useless has an engine without fuel. More important than any provision of the Covenant of the League of Nations is the measure of popular support behind it. Such support will come only when full and searching criticism is welcomed, heard, and answered.

ate

The greatest disservice which supporters of the League can do to their own cause is to try to prevent criticism by denouncing the critics or to win support for the League by making it a partisan or personal issue. When a critic uses appeal to prejudice as a weapon against the League, he is strengthened, not weakened, by a counter-appeal to prejudice;

diverse origin live together under common laws and a common liberty, to realize the bitterness of national feeling in parts of Europe. What Mr. Pasitch says in his interview with Mr. Mason, of The Outlook's staff, on another page is valuable, not because it states facts which need to be known, but because it serves to reveal the temper of mind with which those who are engaged in restoring peace must deal. No one can read that interview without realizing that the new Jugoslavic state is suspicious of practically all its neighbors.

There is historic reason for the hostility with which the Serbs look upon the Bulgars, and that reason has been reinforced by the experience of the last three years. As it is impossible for a Belgian to think of the Germans without recalling Louvain and Ypres and scores of desolated villages and hundreds of violated homes, so it is impossible for a Serb to think of the Bulgarians without recalling to mind similar heartless crimes.

Between the Croats and the Italians there is also historic reason for the existence of a spirit of suspicion, if not hostility. It is not necessary here to try to review the complicated events which have engendered this suspicion. It is enough, perhaps, to recall here the fact that it has been a policy of Hungary, which possessed Croatia, to develop this spirit of hostility between the Italians and the Croats within that province, and the fact that in the world war Croatian troops were among those of the AustroHungarian Empire which destroyed and devastated parts of northern Italy.

If it is natural for Americans to sympathize with the Serbian feeling toward the Bulgars, it would seem natural for similar reasons to sympathize with the Italian feeling toward the Croats. Serbians and Italians were alike partners with America in the fight against the band of robber nations of which AustriaHungary and Bulgaria were members. But now the Serbians are going with the Croats. It is true that the Croats were a subject people in an enemy state; but they were not like the Czechs, likewise a subject people, but liberty-loving and willing to dare all and risk all for liberty. The Czechoslovaks while they were yet nomi

on the side of liberty and some, through ignorance or necessity perhaps, were on the side of the oppressors and the robbers.

There is an old and sometimes serviceable device which national leaders have used to create national unity. This is the practice of creating a common hostility. This is the method Bismarck used for uniting the German states. It was by providing for them common enemies to fight that he drew them together. In some cases political leaders have had no occasion to create a common hostility, for the enemy has done that himself. This was the case when the German King of Britain drove the British colonies of America together by a common oppression of them all. This was the case when Italian unity was fostered by Austria's tyranny. So, perhaps, the Jugoslav leaders may be thinking that they may promote unity between Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes if they can put Bulgaria and Rumania and Italy all in the same category as hostile to the Jugoslavic state. If that is their plan, it is one to which America must not lend her aid.

Last January we pointed out the fact that the Declaration of Corfu, made in 1917, demanding the establishment of a Pan-Serbian kingdom under the Serbian dynasty, was imperialistic in spirit and effect. Mr. Pasitch, who was one of the signers and prime movers of that Declaration, now declares in his interview that the peoples who have been under the yoke of foreign domination "have conceived such a hatred for the policy of enslavement and despoilment of other people's land that they would never think of themselves adopting such an imperialistic policy." If this is so, and we hope that it is, the experience of the war has enforced a needed lesson. But all the lessons have not yet been learned; and one of those lessons is that peoples like those of Jugoslavia who desire to form a new national life must give evidence of their competence and responsibility before they have a right to claim the authority and power that no one grudges to nations that have proved for years that they are competent and responsible. And one way by which the Jugoslavs can commend themselves to America is by speaking of