One of the most interesting features of the Convention has been the address by Secretary Wilson, of the Department of Labor. Among his declarations most as al applauded was that "American labor would never take seriously to Bolshevism and that it would never reach more serious proportions than local disturbances. Our wage-earners are not going to stand for any system that will lower eceive their standards of living. They are not going to listen to incl the f with the ཝཱ and and TAITOR sed ith ON Secretary W Bolshevism." opposed the formation of a Labor party and analyzed the difference as to this policy between labor in this country and in Great Britain. He spoke moderately and sensibly about the proposal to enter into a strike demonstra tion because of the Mooney case, telling his hearers that the Labor Department was still bringing efforts to bear for a satisfactory termination of the matter, pointing out that the judge and jury in the Mooney case are not charged with unfairness and that such a demonstration proposed would be an attack on our jury system, and adding that in his own investigation, at the President's request, it appeared that the real trouble was that witnesses had not been honest in their testimony and new evidence has been secured that warrants a new trial." The Federation of Labor represents the more conservative element in industrial questions, for its members are largely skilled and well-paid workers. There are radicals among them, but even they are not likely to give any countenance to the doctrines of "Reds," Anarchists, or Bolshevists. DRUG ADDICTS IN AMERICA Some astonishing statistics as regards the use of narcotic drugs in this country have just been published by the Bureau of Internal Revenue. Indeed, they are so surprising that one feels that possibly they should be accompanied with a little more complete explanation than that given. The statement is in the form of a report of a committee appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury a little over a year ago. Congressman H. T. Rainey is its chairman and the Committee includes a professor of pharmacology at Harvard, a representative of the United States Public Service, and a former deputy commissioner of the Bureau of Internal Revenue. Among the statements made in this report are that opium and other narcotic drugs are used by probably about a million people; that the "underground " traffic in narcotic drugs is about equal to the legitimate traffic; that the so-called "dope peddlers" appear to have a National organization for their nefarious trade, obtaining the drugs by smuggling over our borders or at the coast ports; and that three-fourths of the cocaine consumed in this country is for illicit pur poses. The investigation carried on by the Committee led to the conclusion that the wrongful use of narcotic drugs has materially increased in certain sections. Thus twenty cities, the aggregate population of which is ten million people, report an increase. New York City and San Francisco are among the number. The Committee regrets that there has been no definite or concerted action by State and municipal governments to suppress the traffic, and evidently believes that such combined effort would both increase our knowledge of the subject and make it possible to deal with it effectively. The causes brought out in the investigation for addiction to drugs, stated in the order of their frequency, are: Use of physicians' prescriptions, association with other addicts, prohibition, use of drugs for chronic diseases, curiosity to learn the effect of the drug, use of patent or proprietary medicines, use of drugs as a stimulant, idleness, and use by dentists. A singular result of the investigation was the discovery that of eighteen hundred peddlers of drugs, the occupations of the peddlers were said by the police to be, in the order of the numbers in each class: Gamblers, taxicab drivers, domestics, solicitors, messengers, vagrants, lunch-room helpers, pool-room employees, porters, laundrymen. One of the incidental questions discussed by this report is the effect of prohibition laws on the use of habit-forming drugs. The majority of replies to the inquiries sent out seem to express the belief that the immediate effect of prohibition would be to increase the use of narcotic drugs. But this belief, we judge from the report, is rather one formed from theory and on the general idea that some substitute will be sought than on thorough investigation or statistical information as regards the States in which prohibition has been in effect. These facts and figures speak for themselves, even allowing for the lack of absolutely complete information and perhaps some lack of thorough knowledge as to the proportion of legitimate and illegitimate use. There would seem to be no question that National and State investigation and legislation, and the more rigid enforcement of existing laws, are seriously needed. SENATOR SPOONER'S DEATH John C. Spooner, for sixteen years one of the representatives of the State of Wisconsin in the United States Senate, died on June 11 at the age of seventy-six. He came of one of the oldest of New England families, the founder of which landed in America at Plymouth in 1637. In purpose and effort Senator Spooner was also thoroughly American; essentially a party leader, he had nevertheless strong personal convictions, and when his attitude toward legislation differed from that of his party or of the people at large even his opponents recognized the fact that he was sincere and honorable in his convictions and that he had essentially the character of a statesman as distinguised from that of a politician. Senator Spooner's early training was that of a lawyer, and his public career was always influenced by the fact that he was a great jurist and a profound student of constitutional and international law. When it came to propounding the legal principles involved in any proposed legislation, the Senate and the country always listened with respect and confidence in his exposition and argument. Throughout all his political career he was a Republican leader. He was often the authoritative and final spokesman for his party in large matters of legislation. That his ideas and theories were capable of change and evolution was seen in his attitude toward the duty and responsibility of the country outside its own borders. A remark often quoted is that "Spooner endured the annexation of Hawaii, pitied the taking over of the Philippines, and embraced the seizure of the Panama Canal." Naturally, Senator Spooner was conservative in temperament, and it is probable that his work in Congress was more valuable in opposing innovations in public policy and in fighting extravagance than in constructing measures for important new action or policy. A long list might be made of things which he opposed, such as ship subsidies and the attaching of "riders" to general legislation. Personally he was a man of great dignity, and a forceful speaker, and he was possessed of intellectual strength far above that of the average member of the upper house. MAKING CHAMBER MUSIC A considerable amount of chamber music of excellent quality has been produced in recent years by those of our composers who are interested in this least salable type of music, and now quietly reposes in their portfolios. Human motives are mixed; but he who composes a otees, access to such a public sifting of Those interested to co-operate in so NO MORE TITLES IN CANADA sonata for violin and piano or a quartette If it be true, as no less a critic than M. Romain Rolland, author of "Jean Christophe," believes, that the Société Nationale has been "the cradle and the sanctuary of French art," we may hope that an inestimable service to our own musical art may be achieved by a newly formed Society for the Publication of American Music. This Society, of which Mr. John Alden Carpenter is president, and which numbers among its founders some of our musicians of highest standing, announces that its aim is not "to fondle American composers who need a stimulus to composition," nor "to make access to the public easy for music that is technically crude, barren of inspiration, and forgetful of artistic ideals," nor yet" to exercise undue pressure on artists and organizations to perform music by American composers merely because they happen to be American composers." In other words, the Society is not chauvinistic. Its aim is simply "to widen and deepen interest in the larger forms of good concert music by American composers" by publishing each year two or three chamber music works selected by judges of discrimination, supplying them to the subscribers at a subscription fee of five dollars a year, and thus making them available to chamber music groups both in America and in Europe. In thus confining itself to the single function of publication the Society saves itself from some of the pitfalls into which such attempts often fall. Its circular says with truth that the self-respecting American composer does not want 66 patriotic charity," but simply "a square deal based on the intrinsic art value of his work." Its aim is to secure for chamber music, by the organization of its scattered dev Knighthoods, baronetcies, and peerages are no longer to be bestowed on Canadians. In spite of the opposition of several of the most influential members of the Government and the known disapproval of Premier Borden, who had not then returned from the Peace Conference, the Canadian House of Commons a resolution requesting that royal honors Titles have been conferred in Canada In recent years, however, the King's honors have been bestowed with a lavish hand, and not all of the selections have met with popular approval in Canada, with the result that public sentiment became aroused against all titles. Early in 1918 the Canadian Government sent a request to London that titles should be conferred on Canadians only on the recommendation of the Cabinet at Ottawa, and since that date Canadians have been conspicuously absent from the honor lists. Probably the action of the Canadian Parliament in this matter is not of great importance. Canadian knights, as a rule, have been just as democratic as their untitled neighbors. Nevertheless it indicates a solidarity and similarity of sentiment on questions of this kind in the two kindred democracies of the North American continent. The Canadian and American points of view are much the same on most questions. THE TELEGRAPHERS' STRIKE A hopeful aspect of the strike of the telegraph operators appeared last week when the strikers learned, as they sup posed, that an order issued by PostmasterGeneral Burleson insured their unions the privilege of collective bargaining. Later it was discovered that the order applied in words only to telephone operators and that the telegraph was not named. There seems to be no reason why the privilege should not be accorded to both classes. The telegraphers' union has presented a statement to the Post Office Committee of the lower house in Congress in which they demand the right to bargain collectively and say that "Mr. Burleson has used his personal and official influence to prevent an adjustment of differences between the workers and their employers." The Government still controls the wires, but does not operate them; it is asked to see that the employees have the same right to act through unions as have the railway employees. DR. MOTON ON THE At the request of the President and the Secretary of War, Dr. Robert R. Moton, the successor to Booker Washington as Principal of Tuskegee Institute, visited France with a view to obtaining information about the conduct of the Negro as a soldier and morally. Rumor, or what Dr. Moton calls the "whispering gallery," had produced a rather widespread opinion that in both respects there was serious reason to believe that in some units, and particularly in one division, the record was bad actually and as compared with white troops. Loose generalization is the favorite weapon of scandal. Dr. Moton made careful inquiry from officers and soldiers at General Headquarters, divisional headquarters, from press correspondents, and from French people. He states what he found to be the facts in an article in the "Southern Workmen." As to the allegation concerning sexual crimes by Negroes, he was told at General Headquarters that the crime was no more prevalent among colored soldiers than among white soldiers, that the number of cases charged was small, and the number of convictions by court martial much smaller Sent be t Ame Ame e su La only three, for instance, in the division which had been designated by rumor as the worst unit. as The charges of the failure of colored soldiers as fighting men Dr. Moton found to be equally exaggerated. He "There was apparently no doubt says: in the mind of anybody in France, so far I was able to find out, among the French or Americans, as to the qualities ed of the American Negro as a soldier when stled by white officers.". Dr. Moton did, be however, find a pretty strong feeling that Negro officers had been a failure. In one division, as to which failure on a large scale had been charged, Dr. Moton found that "a small portion of a single battoni talion of a single regiment had failed," and that about a dozen Negro officers of this battalion had been tried. The commanding officer at Le Mans, commenting to Dr. Moton on the fact that fifteen Negro officers had been found inefficient, said to Dr. Moton: "We We sent back to America, in six months, an average of one thousand white officers a month who failed in one way or another d in this awful struggle. I hope, Dr. the Moton," he added, "that you won't lose faith in my race because of that, and certainly I am not going to lose my faith en in your race because of the record of a a few colored officers who failed." Bu your In short, Dr. Moton, while he found failures and imperfections, learned nothing to substantiate the generalized rumors of a failure of his race in any large sense. On the contrary, he believes that officers and men made a fine record, and that dens there were a remarkable number of cases ber of heroic action, recognized by French and American awards. They went, he says, binto battle "with dash, courage, and an absolutely unshaken and undisturbed et of morale." isper ots the THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS IN THE SENATE THE United States Senate has now under consideration a resolution known, from its author, as the Knox Resolution, which, if adopted, would result in the rejection of the present Treaty of Peace embodying the League of Nations, but indicates the acceptance of that Treaty if the League of Nations is left for future consideration. This policy of separation is also urged by our former Ambassador to Germany, Dr. David Jayne Hill, in an article in the "North American Review" for June, in which he says of the Senate, "It can ratify a treaty of peace and at the same time reject a compact for a League of Nations." This policy he supports by the statement that "the Signatory Powers could not Consistently refuse to separate what they had themselves intended not to join intended not to join together until the President forced them to do so; for they were prepared to postpone the League of Nations and sign a preliminary treaty of peace, when the President returned to Paris from his visit to America and changed their plans." This statement of fact is confirmed, from his own knowledge, by our editorial representative who was in Paris during the President's absence in this country. We agree with Dr. Hill that" the Senate has the Constitutional right to withhold its consent from a treaty of which it does not approve. It may withhold it completely or in part." Moreover, if a sufficient number of Senators are resolved to defeat the Treaty of Peace with the League of Nations incorporated in it, they do well to notify the Peace Council at this time in order that the Council may separate the League from the Treaty and add to the Treaty such provisions for continuing the present alliance as may be necessary to secure the execution of the Treaty of Peace by Germany. We hope, however, that the League of Nations will be adopted by the Senate of the United States. We believe that this is the hope of the great majority of the American people. And the sooner the decision is made and the League of Na tions organized, the better for the reputation of America and for the safety and peace of the world. In this great world movement America should be a leader, not a follower. A party of campers, following a blind trail in the woods, comes to a point where it divides, and the campers stop to discuss whether they shall take the left-hand or the right-hand fork. No one in the party knows where either fork will lead them. They can only discuss probabilities. Such is the present situation of the United States. The possibility of a League of Nations has been under discussion in this country for nearly a quarter of a century. The wisdom of what is substantially the present plan has been under discussion for several months. Objections and advantages have been weighed in the balance. Amendments have been proposed, some accepted, some rejected. Longer delays are dangerous, possibly may be disastrous, not merely to the League but to the American people and to the world. It is extremely desirable that the American people reach a conclusion and turn their attention from foreign affairs which are important but in their consequences to us remote, and give their attention to domestic problems which are no less important and in their consequences to us imminent. We who believe in the League of Nations must recognize the fact that it is an experiment. If we adopt it, we enter upon a new world policy; if it does not mean a limitation on our National sovereignty, it does impose on our Nation new obligations which future Congresses will be morally bound to fulfill; and it involves a frank abandonment of national isolation and a frank adoption of international co-operation. We must recognize that there is reason why many Americans are more slow to adopt the conclusions of the Peace Congress than are the English, French, or Italian people. Lloyd George, Clemenceau, and Orlando have each been given within the last year a new power of attorney by their respective peoples to act for them. Mr. Wilson has asked for such a power of attorney from the American people and they have refused it. He asked them last fall to elect a Democratic Congress and told them that their refusal would be equivalent to a vote of want of confidence in his Administration, and in the face of that statement they elected a Republican House and a Republican Senate. Certainly the majority of both Senate and House and probably the majority of the American people have not been represented at the Peace Congress. True, the President appointed a Republican of admirable character, proved ability, and diplomatic experience, but he was not the choice of the Republican party. The President is within his Constitutional rights in negotiating this Treaty without previous consultation with the Senate; but the Senate would be equally within its Constitutional rights if it should notify the European Powers that the result of the President's negotiations has not been satisfactory to the American people and will not be ratified unless it is amended. Nevertheless we hope to see the League of Nations adopted by the Senate, and we think that the delays in that adoption which the Knox Resolution, if passed, would involve would outweigh any advantage which may be hoped for from further debate or future amendments. It is true that the League of Nations is a new adventure in our National policy; but the Americans are an adventurous people. The discovery of America was an adventure. The Declaration of Independence was a perilous adventure. The formation of the Constitution was an entirely new adventure in national organization. The Louisiana Purchase and the extension of our Republic from ocean to ocean was an adventure from which cautious men would have dissuaded us. Our whole history has been one succession of adventures, and it does not teach us to be afraid of adventurous experiments. It is true that the League of Nations implies the assumption of new obligations by the United States. It recognizes the fact that the policy of National isola |