tion is past and a policy of international co-operation is substituted. But in so doing it simply recognizes a fact that exists and carries forward a policy which has already been begun. The steamship has put Liverpool within five days of New York, and an airplane has reduced the transatlantic voyage to less than one day. Our Monroe Doctrine, our Panama Canal, our National Copyright Law, our international postal laws, our deliverance of Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines from a seventeenth-century despotism, and our alliance with England, France, and Italy in preserving the civilization of the twentieth century from the barbarism of the Hun, have been successive steps toward international co-operation and have imposed upon us international obligations unknown to us in our National isolation.

F

It is true that the Republican party and at least one-half of the American people have had no official representation in the negotiations which have been carried on at Paris. But unofficially they have been represented. If the Republicans could have selected a statesman to represent them, their choice would probably have been Mr. Root, Mr. Hughes, Mr. Taft, or Mr. Lodge. These four representative Americans have all offered amendments and their amendments have reached the Peace Council, and, while not all the amendments of any one of these eminent statesmen have been adopted, it is said that all the amendments on which all of them agreed have been incorporated in the League in its final form.

The objections to the League of Nations which we have endeavored fairly though briefly to state are serious. We do not ignore or belittle them. But there are more serious objections to entering upon the next epoch in the world's history without a League.

So long as there are robbers in the country there must be armed police to resist them; so long as there are robber nations in the world there must be armies to resist them. But there ought to be some better way than war to settle those disputes which are always liable to arise between civilized peoples. Men of justice and peace must repel with force attempted crime; but men of justice and peace need not resort to force to settle controversies between themselves. When Germany attempts to assassinate Belgium and France and Turkey attempts to assassinate Armenia, the civilized nations ought to come to the defense of the defenseless. But when a dispute arises between civilized nations about the question whether Fiume shall be an Italian or Croatian port, or whether Dantsic shall be a Polish or

a German port, some more civilized

method than war should be discoverable for settling it. The League of Nations is

an attempt to find a solution for these two problems: "How can civilized nations settle peaceably their controversies?" and "How can they combine to protect each other from robber nations?"

And the League of Nations is the only plan now proposed for that purpose. Individuals may have better plans to offer, but the present League is the only one officially recommended to the civilized Powers. The alternative is a return to the perpetual apprehension of possible war, competitive armament in preparation for war, and extemporized alliances to meet

robber nations whenever one of them issues his challenge to the world, or else selfish inaction while defenseless people are plundered as were the Cubans or murdered as were the Armenians. The remote perils feared by the opponents of remote perils feared by the opponents of the League of Nations seem to us far less than the inevitable perils involved in a return to the old policy of National isolation.

ple there is something of this spirit humanity, we men and women gathere out of all nations and tribes and people and tongues are able to live together i peace and good will. Is there enoug of this spirit of humanity in the worl to make a democracy of nations po sible? We believe that there is at lea enough to make the experiment wort trying.

In building we lay the foundation fir. and erect the superstructure afterwar But in growing we plant a seed and thrusts down the roots and at the sam time pushes up the stem and th branches. branches. The spirit of brotherhood ha made the Union of States possible; bi also the Union of States has created th spirit of brotherhood. The League Nations is a seed. We believe that ther is enough of the spirit of brotherhood i the world to plant the League and see t what it may grow.

A

66

RIDER

'RIDER is a device used b legislators in order to enact a mea ure which they are unwilling to hav debated and passed on its merits ( rejected. If they prepare such a measur as a separate bill and put it to a vot those who oppose it will be able to vot against it. What they do is to attach to some appropriation bill or other bille overwhelming importance. Then tho who oppose the attached measure wi have to assume the responsibility of votin against the whole bill.

These perils were never so imminent as they are to-day. Three great imperial THE DAYLIGHT SAVING governments have been destroyed-Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Russia. What the future governments of these countries will be no man knows, though it is almost certain that the old governments will not be restored. Three new nations have been created or are in the process of creation-Jugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and Poland. The old authority in central and eastern Europe has gone, and no new authority has yet arisen to take its place. An unscrupulous minority are eager to establish a new class rule for the old class rule. They are ready to toss into the scrap-heap the claims of their fellow-men to the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. If there ever was a time when a free people should welcome the co-operation of other free peoples in the resolve that government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth," that time is now. While we debate the mob robs, burns, murders, and rapes. It is time for action, time for a combination of all civilized nations in a common purpose which they might well define in these words taken from our own Constitution : "In order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and posterity."

Democracy is more than a form of government; it is a spirit of life. It is regard for each other's rights, respect for each other's opinions, interest in each other's interests. Not because in this country we have a President instead of a King, a Congress instead of a Parliament, and States instead of Provinces, but be cause in the hearts of the American peo

This is what certain opponents of daj light saving have done with the measur to repeal the Daylight Saving Law.

In the House of Representatives the attached it to the Agricultural Appro priation Bill. Happily there was enoug sentiment in the House against this ride method of making law to remove thi rider from the bill. Appropriation bill have to originate in the House of Repre sentatives, and then they go from ther to the Senate. When the Agricultura Bill reached the Senate, this rider way reattached to it by the Senate Committe on Agriculture.

Popular indignation against thi method of legislation ought to be so stron that the Senate will remove that rider The issue is something more importan than daylight saving. It is an issue tha concerns the very nature of represent ative government. If daylight saving cannot be repealed without a majority against it, it ought not to be repealed a all. If a majority is against it, it can be repealed by direct vote. To attempt to legislate on a subject like this without ascertaining and recording the will of

nst

at

at thThe Negroes in the United States consented to slavery; at least they acquiesced hero in it. They did not revolt. When the

Civil War gave them opportunity to run cra away, comparatively few took advantage Lof the opportunity. Most of them remained we the working in the fields and in the homes ther for the masters who were fighting to pree advent their emancipation. But their consent did not make slavery just..

nact a

ng

to

The German people consented to the German Government. When their GovSA ernment entered upon war to win a world domination, they did not protest, but through their chosen representatives voted the money for the campaign. When ce Belgium was overrun, when some of its citizens were deported and others murdered in cold blood, when its banks were robbed and its women were raped, the German people consented to the robbery, the murder, the raping. When the Lusitania was piratically sunk, they not only other consented, they publicly celebrated that achievement by processions and medals. But their consent did not make those crimes the acts of a just government.

mer

t to s

ble to

to at

Then

easure

The want of consent by the governed does not make the government unjust. The government of a prison is not unjust whenever the prisoners object to the rules of the warden. The government of a school is not unjust whenever the pupils object to the rules of the principal. The

government of a family is not unjust whenever the children object to the commands of the parent.

The consent of the governed may make the community contented. It may give the community peace. It may give the community a certain degree of prosperity. But it does not make the government just. Government is just only when its laws conform to the eternal laws of the moral world. It is just in the intent of the lawmakers only when their purpose is to apply to the conditions of their age and country those eternal laws.

The biographer of Tolstoy tells us that in his boyhood he had the idea that by stooping down and clasping his hands underneath his knees if he jumped off a porch he would soar. He tried the experiment and did not soar. Flying was achieved by a different method. Inventors studied the birds, discovered the

secret of their flight-powerful muscles, hollow bones, strength mated to light ness-and by conforming their schemes to the laws discovered by them in nature conquered the air.

There are laws of health. They are not imposed upon the body; they are written in the constitution of the body. A certain modern school of philosophy assumes that pain is evil but God is good, and therefore pain exists only in the evil thoughts, and it attempts to cure pain by changing the thoughts. The scientist studies the human body, learns by his study the laws of health and the causes of disease, and with much painstaking and many a temporary error builds up a system of healing based on law.

There are laws of the social order. The community which obeys them is prosperous. The community which disregards them suffers. An admirable summary of these laws of the social order is furnished by the Ten Commandments, which may be epitomized thus:

Reverence God, not the mere symbols and images which men make of God. Respect your ancestors. Keep a little time free from drudgery for a ministry to the higher life. Regard the four fundamental rights of your fellow-men-the rights of person, of property, of the family, and of reputation. And do this heart ily, because you desire their protection as well as your own.

Whenever these laws are set aside tragedy is the result.

The German nation discarded them. It did not reverence God. With colossal self-conceit it summoned God to be its ally in a war of conquest. It disavowed all laws, human and divine. It declared that necessity knows no law. It substituted self-will for the will of the Eternal with tragical results to itself and to the -with tragical results to itself and to the world.

The Bolsheviki have discarded all laws but those of their own creation. They but those of their own creation. They ignore God. They treat all that past ages have wrought as a colossal blunder. They raze to the ground the edifice which past generations have reared and propose to build a new edifice on a new foundation. They disregard the fundamental rights of persons and property and avow their purpose so to do. They substitute the will of the mob for the will of the Czar and the rule of the proletariat for the rule of the bureaucracy. And the results of this substitution of self-will for the will of God are even more tragic in Russia than in Germany.

The laws of the beehive are not imposed on the bees by the bee-keeper. They are wrought by the Creator of the bees in their nature. If the bee-keeper understands these laws and conforms his regulations to these laws, the hive is prosperous and honey is the result. The

laws of the human hive are not made by the men who inhabit it. They are written by man's Creator in the nature of the human soul. Conformity to the laws of nature which have been wrought by the Creator in the physical universe is the secret of science; conformity to the laws of life which have been wrought by the Creator in the human body is the secret of health; conformity to the laws of the social order which have been wrought by the Creator in the souls of men is the secret of justice, liberty, and peace.

Justice is conformity to divine law. Liberty is voluntary self-enforcement of divine law.

Peace is habitual harmony with divine law. Democracy is the spirit of justice, liberty, and peace in the community-in one word, brotherhood.

The saying, "The people can do no wrong," we must send to the rubbish pile with that other saying, "The king can do no wrong. "The infallibility of the majority is no better than the infallibility of kings.

Our statesmen will not give peace to the world by a blind acceptance of the formula, "The self-determination of the people." Our legislators will not give prosperity to the United States by simply reflecting the popular will. The popular will may be determined by popular prejudice, and an appeal always lies from Philip drunk to Philip sober.

Probably our Government is more nearly just than the government of any other existing nation. But it is not wholly just so long as the poor and defenselesswhether white or black-are killed on suspicion, without trial and without a chance for self-defense; so long as thousands of children are allowed by a wealthy nation to grow up in ignorance without any opportunity for education; so long as plague spots are permitted to remain in sections of our great cities, sending out poison germs of ignorance and crime to infest the land.

The summons of Abraham Lincoln to his fellow-men in 1865 was a summons to do justly: "With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us finish the work we are in." That summons is as appealing now as then. It is the summons to the young men and young women graduating from colleges and high schools to-day to complete the work their fathers began when they declared their belief "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men.'

LYMAN ABBOTT.

IS THIS A STERN PEACE?

BY making modifications in the draft

of the Treaty presented to the Germans, the Allied and Associated Powers have proved that they do not wish to be arbitrary. Indeed, the concessions they have granted raise the question whether they have not exercised magnanimity to the point beyond which it ceases to be a virtue.

The extreme to which the victorious Powers go in trying to reclaim Germany as a civilized nation is shown in their expression of readiness to contemplate the admission of Germany as an equal in the League of Nations in the "near future." Less than eight months ago the Germans, even in the midst of retreat, not for military purposes but in order to cripple their neighbors, were carrying on as best they could the practices which had characterized them for over four years and which it would be fulsome flattery to call brigandage. And now the people who suffered from their devastation and murder and rape and frightfulness are telling these Germans that if they comply with certain conditions as evidence of good faith they can become their partners. If anything comparable to this has ever happened in history, we fail to recall it.

This spirit of forgiveness is the more impressive because it has survived the expression of a spirit on the part of the Germans which is very far from repentance.

It was on May 7 that the Allies' conditions of peace were handed to the German delegates at Versailles. On June 15 the German reply and counter-proposals, together with the "covering letter " by Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau of May 29, were made public. It is in these replies and counter-proposals that the Germans show that they are still either unwilling or unable to express any consciousness of the nature of their deeds or

of the situation in which they find themselves. They cry out against what they call virtual enslavement, they demand admission to the League of Nations immediately, they assail the abolition of German rights outside of Europe, asserting that they have shown themselves capable as colonizers, they demand that Germany be treated on a basis of equality and reciprocity, that there be no interference with German sovereignty, that, in short, the Allies deal with her as if she were as much entitled to victory as they. The Germans refuse to turn over the Kaiser or any other of the arch-criminals for trial, and propose an international court of neutrals to judge the fact of crime. The whole basis of the German reply is in the assumption that the end of the war came, not as a result of victory by the Allies, but as the acceptance on all sides of President Wilson's Fourteen Points. They recall the interchange

of notes last October and November between President Wilson and the Central Powers. They profess to have laid down their arms because they were induced to believe that they were going to be treated, not as vanquished criminals, but as one of two contracting parties who had already come to a common agreement.

A SO-CALLED PEACE OF REVENGE

Specifically, the Germans take exception to a great number of points in the Treaty. All these objections have been anticipated by people who have thought of the Allied Powers as being tarred with the same stick as Germany. Like the Germans, they regard this peace as a "peace of revenge.

It would take considerable space even to recapitulate the particular objections raised. They include objections to being called upon to recognize treaties which may be entered into hereafter by Germany's enemies; objections to the refusal, except by unanimous consent, to allow Austria to become part of Germany; objections of course to almost all the territorial arrangements, including the restoration of Alsacenomic arrangements as placing burdens Lorraine to France; objections to the ecoupon the Germans which are greater than the burdens other people have to bear, and as therefore obviously designed to stamp out German competition; objections to any reparation for Montenegro,

Serbia, and Rumania, since there was no attack there contrary to international law, as even the Germans acknowledge to be the case in Belgium; objections to the amount of damages to Belgium; objections to the to the occupation of German territory on arrangement as to the Sarre Valley and the left bank of the Rhine; objections to being deprived of shipping. The Germans acknowledge that they must put their resources to the service of restoration, but

object to what they call infringements on Germany's "economic sovereignty."

It is hard to tell how much of this reply is merely an advocate's plea, trying to make the best of a bad case, and how much is really unconscious revelation of German incapacity to understand what Germany has done and what has happened

to her.

THE MODIFICATIONS

Dissecting out from this mass of objections and counter-proposals certain points which seem reasonable, the Allied and Associated Powers made modifications in the Treaty. The principal changes are, briefly, agreements to arrange certain Polish-German frontier lines by plebiscite; to permit Germany to obtain a certain amount of coal from Silesia; to accord to Germany facilities so that she may survey the damage she has done and make proposals within four months as to her liabilities, and if an agreement is

possible within two months thereafter to fix the amount of reparation at a definite figure; to change the arrangement for a plebiscite in Slesvig; to permit Germany. an army of 200,000 men temporarily and to allow Germany to enter the League within a short time provided Germany gives evidence of a stable gov ernment and a desire to observe hei international obligations. These modifi cations are not all included in the Treaty. for some of them are embodied in a sup plementary document.

A PEACE OF JUSTICE

With these modifications there went to the Germans a letter which is one of the most important documents of the whole war. It attempts to explain to the ilized peoples to deal with them a Germans why it is impossible for civ if they were normal. It is a letter writ ten with great frankness, but exhibiting extraordinary patience. It gives the key to the whole Peace Treaty in this sen tence: "The Allied and Associated Powers believe that they will be false to those who have given their all to save the freedom of the world if they consent t treat the war on any other basis than a a crime against humanity and right."

In response to the Germans' abundant references to Mr. Wilson's Fourteen Points and to the speeches of Mr. Lloyd George and others, this letter, writter by M. Clemenceau as President of the from Mr. Wilson which the Germans Peace Conference, quotes some things have forgotten. These are in a passage from the President's speech of April 6 1918, in which he said that to Germany's assertion that force alone can decide there was only one response possible: "Force force to the utmost, force without stint o limit, the righteous and triumphant force which shall make the law of the world and cast every selfish dominion down in the dust." The letter quotes also from Mr. Lloyd George a passage in which he says: "There is no security in any land without the certainty of punishment There is no protection for life, property or money in a state where the criminal is nations is no exception. more powerful than the law. The law of There have

been many times in the history of the
world criminal states. We are dealing
with one of them now. There will always
be criminal states until the reward of in-
ternational crime becomes too precarious
to make it profitable, and the punish-
ment of international crime becomes too
sure to make it attractive." The letter
also quotes from M. Clemenceau and
Signor Orlando, to show that already
during the war the Allies were seeking
justice "justice for
the dead and
wounded... justice for the peoples who
now stagger under war debts,... justice
for those millions whose homes and lands

05

ab

and property German savagery has spoliated and destroyed."

The letter not only reviews in simple and clear language the crime of Germany in beginning the war, not only her crimes of frightfulness, of introducing poisonous gas and long-distance bombing of towns, and of massacring passengers and civilian sailors in mid-ocean, but also the crimes which Germany committed when she "ruined the industries, the mines, and the machinery of neighboring countries, not during battle, but with the deliberate and calculated purof enabling her own industries to seize their markets before their industries could recover from the devastation thus wantonly inflicted upon them." The letter points out that if Germany now suffers hardships they are hardships which she has brought upon herself, and this sentence ought to be written where all who pass may read :

pose

If the German people themselves, or f any other nation, are to be deterred from

following the footsteps of Prussia; if mankind is to be lifted out of the belief that war for selfish ends is legitimate to any state; if the old era is to be left behind, and nations as well as individuals are to be brought beneath the reign of law; even if there is to be early reconciliation and appeasement, it will be because those responsible for concluding the war have had the courage to see that justice is not deflected for the sake of a convenient peace.

This letter, free from bitterness, but equally free from soft sentimentalism, equally free from soft sentimentalism, points out that a change in the form of government in Germany is not enough to effect the settlement of the war itself. The German revolution did not appear until defeat had wiped out all German hope of profit from war. Until then the German people supported the war, voted credits, obeyed every order, however sayage, and shared the responsibility of their Government. They would have acclaimed victory as they acclaimed the outbreak of

the war. "They cannot now pretend, having changed their rulers after the war was lost, that it is justice that they should escape the consequences of their deed. The Allied and Associated Powers," concludes the spokesman of the Peace Conference, "therefore believe that the peace they have proposed is fundamentally a peace of justice."

IF THE GERMANS DO NOT SIGN

Thus has gone to the Germans what M. Clemenceau declares to be the Peace Conference's last word. A decision by Germany either for or against signing the Treaty must be reached, she was informed, by June 23. It is not inconceivable that there should be some extension of time, but there does not seem to be any ground for expectation that there will be an extension of negotiations. If the peace is not signed, Germany was notified, the armistice will terminate and the Powers will take such steps as they think needful to enforce their terms.

WAR

66

The years go fast in Oxford, the golden years and gay,

The hoary colleges look down on careless boys at play.

But when the bugle sounded war, they put their games away.

They left the peaceful river, the cricket ground, the quad,

The shaven lawns of Oxford, to seek a bloody sod. They gave their merry youth away country and for God."

So it was with the men of Hamilton ica in the great war, the living and the dead. One morning, care-free and glad of heart in the glory of their youth. The next, setting forth upon the great adventure, with resolution on their serious faces, willing and unafraid. It was not all the way the enthusiasm of devotion. There were hours, they have told us, when the fires of idealism burned low. There were nights of terror and days of strain and darkness, when the simple prayer of the humble homesick soul was: Make me a soldier, Lord!" "Make me a man, O Lord "Help me to die, O Lord!" But out of the experience of despondency and doubt there grew the calm, the confidence, the grim endurance, the conscious ness of responsibility and power.

No one who has looked upon the great marching columns returned from France can have any other feeling than that of confident assurance that the war has

chastened and strengthened the young fighting breed of America. It is evident that they all, like Alan Seeger, feel their manhood keenly. Strangely enough, after all our fears and forebodings of the frailty of mankind, the greatest success of the war has been human personality. At one time or another, in the matter of the armies of the free nations, prepara tion has failed, guns have failed, planes have failed, governments have failed, but the human spirit has not failed. Whether it be the superb and historic genius of Joffre and without which war could never have been won by the soldiers of freedom, or whether it be the marvelous skill and physical and moral endurance of the plain man, in the sky, in the trenches, under the sea, the human race may well lift its head high. There has been no greater level of achievement among the sons of men. As for the American people, they have been hard put to it to know whether to admire more the valor and the leadership of many a splendid young officer, or the amazing every-day daring and efficiency such as was exemplified by the plain brawny Tennessee mountaineer who, having had detailed practice from boyhood in picking off squirrels in the tops of tall trees in the homeland by shooting them through the head so as not to mangle the meat, proceeded single-handed to pick off the members of a German machine-gun battalion, killing twenty-four, and with a few com

it be the superb and historic genius of

rades making prisoners of 132 others, and being decorated therefor by the generalissimo of the Allied armies!

All is well with the human spirit while it can continuously endure such gigantic shock of mechanical forces, such agonies of mind and body, and come off more than conqueror! The human race never before demonstrated itself to be so thoroughly worth saving, and human progress towards the goal never before seemed to be so greatly worth having. And all this in spite of the fact that many-aye, mostof the governments of mankind had shown vast capacity to falter and bungle.

But the young manhood of America did not falter. They interpreted the real America to the world-the America of might and justice. They demonstrated that the flower of power is not brutality, but unselfishness; that the meek inherit the earth because they have the mental and moral muscle; that genuine altruism is life to spare, superb physiological reserve of body and brain seeking new channels for the outlet of its energies; that sympathy, gentleness, generosity, are the supreme manifestations of the survival of both the fittest and the

best, whether in the strong man or the responsible state. Our young crusaders interpreted the real America to the world.

And now we have them back again; soon all who survive will be back again, melted into the life and merged into the

organization of the hundred millions. How much we expect from them at home! By the grace of the spiritual energy and vision which they incarnate, neither Junkerism and militarism nor the blind forces of anarchistic democracy now sweeping across the world shall rule America. The experience of the war has disclosed two human groups whom the free nations must put under foot-the merely selfish men of power and cunning at the top, and the anarchistic communists at the bottom. And the war revealed also two human groups whom the free nations must at all costs protect and conserve-on the one hand, the exceptional men of organization and management and initiative and of a reasonable altruism; and, on the other hand, the great body of plain producers and workers who make up the bone and sinew of the nation in time of peace or war. By the grace of the spiritual energy and vision which our young soldiers of freedom incarnate, America is to become neither the exploiter's paradise nor the theater of" the bum's millennium."

We are to assume, I suppose, that no man can yet see, except by faith, how much of good is to come out of the recent giant conflict with evil, how much of hope out of the new covenant of peace. But at least not for America the so-called great social revolution! A larger measure of objective equality there will no doubt

"THE

be; we cannot tell how much. But men are no more subjectively equal than they were before the war began, or than they will be when unnumbered centuries pass by. Following the biologic law of heredity, some men are superior and some men are inferior, and always will be, in counsel, in resourcefulness, in honorable dealing, and in self-sacrifice. The sons of Mary and the sons of Martha must continue to bear in far different degrees the burden of toil and discomfort, the weight of authority and power.

And so we are looking to our surviving young militant manhood, whom we happily have with us again, to help to conserve what the war has revealed as our most precious possession-the individual initiative of America; not by the old law of the jungle, the law of the survival of the fittest brute, but by the employment of those wiser and simpler social processes and safeguards which in modern life give individual initiative its chance to break through the crust of circumstance, and which protect the right of each by the might of all. Just as the deliberate initiative of the first transatlantic flier was protected and made effective for human advance by the organized fleet of American destroyers, so by more and more favorable social environment in the country at large will the natural aristocracy of America come up through to authority and power and the quality of govern

ments cease to be inferior to the quality of the governed.

The spirit of the college we call Hamilton has always been the spirit of leadership and sacrifice. This was the spirit of Kirkland and Alexander Hamilton, and of the young soldiers of '61 to '65, who knew the call and marched away when Lincoln called for men. It is the spirit of her sons in civil life who have blazed the paths of peace. These all, like a cloud of witnesses, hover over this Commencement of victory. And the heart of the Alma Mater is touched with gladness in the glory that she shares. Those sons of hers who died, these sons of hers who live, "she brought them forth to live or die by freedom, justice, truth.'

66

As for the living

They are but fragments of the Nation's splendor,

Handfuls of might amid a mighty host, Yet she who saw them go with proud surrender

May surely claim to love them first and

As for the fallen

They who had all, gave all. Their halfwrit story

Lies in the empty halls they knew so well;

But they, the knights of God, shall see his glory,

And find the Grail e'en in the fires of hell."

HE peace of the whole world is endangered by the decision of the Peace Conference to give Japan the special rights and privileges in Shantung formerly held by Germany," said Dr. C. T. Wang, one of the most important members of the Chinese delegation to negotiate peace at Paris. "We intend to appeal from the decision of the Peace Conference to the League of Nations. If Japan is left in possession of these particular privileges in Shantung, that province will become an Oriental AlsaceLorraine. If you Americans will just think how you would feel if Japan were awarded the State of California, you can imagine about how we feel as regards Shantung. Or, to use another illustration, how would the Belgians feel if Antwerp were awarded to Great Britain because the British soldiers were instrumental in driving the Germans out of Belgium ?"

Dr. Wang was speaking without excitement, but with great gravity. We were in his office in the Hotel Lutetia in Paris. He was leaning his elbow on his desk, on which were conspicuous a beautiful jade ash-tray and several copies of The Outlook. His pleasant and very

years.

intelligent face looks older than his He was graduated from Yale in the class of 1910, and before we began to talk politics 1910, and before we began to talk politics he tried to find if we had not some mutual college acquaintances. He had not much success until he mentioned "Ted" Coy, Walter Logan, and Harry Van Sinderen, all famous athletes in Dr. Wang's time at Yale. Although he is one of the youngest members of the distinguished youngest members of the distinguished group of diplomats which the Peace Conference brought together in Paris, he is accounted one of the most able.

66

"The Chinese people," said Dr. Wang, are very slow to wrath, but they are also very slow to forget an injury. They never forgave the Manchus for their invasion. And they bided their time till the day came when they were strong enough to kick the Manchus off the Dragon throne. I fear they will never forget the Japanese occupation of Shantung, which will be considered by the masses as an unwarrantable invasion. And from this feeling may come a disturbance which will shake the peace of the whole Far East.

"But the danger is not to China alone," Dr. Wang continued; "the whole

world ought to open its eyes. The crea tion of this special position for Japan in h Shantung is a long step toward a very dangerous degree of Japanese domination in all China. Suppose Japan gets her hand on China's vastly rich mineral resources, and suppose she begins to train and direct the great reservoir of man power found in China's population of four hundred million. Can you not see that there would be a menace to the world much more serious than Germany could ever be ?"

"You think there is a dangerous military spirit in Japan?" I asked.

"There certainly is," replied the dis tinguished Chinese delegate, without hesi