canism of a high order. It was therefore a source of keen disappointment when you embraced internationalism. I have hoped that you would get back to the practical idealism of Theodore Roosevelt, but instead you have floundered from bad to worse, until you now have the temerity to say that because the American people are an adventurous people we should risk our birthright in a gamble with internationalism.

Such a statement is unworthy of you. If we who believe in an unimpaired, uncompromised nationalism, who hold that our country should deal justly and honestly with all nations but take orders from none, are in the minority, it will be a pity, but nevertheless I must stand for the United States of America first, last, and always. I must not lend any support to any agency of the propaganda of internationalism.

I ask you to please cancel my subscription.

I will add just this: If the United States should be rushed into ratifying the present League of Nations Covenant by reason of the tricky tactics employed, it will not be by reason of the fact that the people of this country have deliberately renounced the Americanism of the past in favor of the new programme of World Socialism.

HARRY H. CALVIN. League for Preservation of American Independence, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, July 2, 1919.

IV

In your issue of July 9, in the article entitled " Ratify the Treaty," you enumerate in the " simplest terms what the Treaty will do as you see it. In that enumeration appears no word of what happens to China. You rejoice in security against foreign despotism for Czechoslovakia and Poland and in the uniting of the civilized nations to protect each other and the people under their guardianship from future aggressions, but you say not one word of the part of the arrangement which violates all the important principles upon which the League of Nations is supposed to be founded (justice, honor, selfdetermination, and the rest), viz., the handing over of Shantung to Japan. To buy adherence to the League by one of the most infamous acts in history is a sad omen for the ability of the League to carry out its professed principles in the future. A lasting peace cannot be obtained through injustice. You must be aware of the facts in regard to China and the policy pursued toward her by Japan. If you are not, you can easily ascertain them. Such a book as "China and the World War," by W. R. Wheeler (Macmillan), will enlighten you. If you do already know the facts, it is inconceivable that a journal privileged to give out so many of Theodore Roosevelt's utterances can be untrue to his principles and gloss over the truth.

Those of us who hope for a real, effective League of Nations, but who believe that the end does not justify the means,

are heartsick to see such a journal as yours lending itself, tacitly or outspokenly, to the support of an act in direct opposition to all we hope the League will do-an act without any foundation of honor or justice.

SIDNEY L. LASELL.
Siasconset, Nantucket, Massachusetts,
July 13, 1919.

V

I have taken The Outlook for a number of years. I am an out-and-out Republican, but I think and trust that I am one in the broader sense. I have heretofore looked to The Outlook as being, if not a Republican, a patriot first and a partisan afterwards. An American patriot, in my conception, is one who has the privilege and the duty of thinking.

But The Outlook, apparently, no longer expects its readers to think. So it would appear to be a rather dangerous journal for those to read who won't think. I refer to your article of July 16 on The Tactical Blunder of the Republicans."

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In the suggestion contained in the second paragraph of this article you say, "We are tired of fighting and appeals to force." This looks very pretty on paper, but does The Outlook really believe it? If we really are, won't we be just as tired, forsooth, after an opportunity to contemplate as we are now? And if we really are and want a change, won't we see that we get it after contemplation? Some of us doubt, when we look back over history, that the world is tired of fighting and appeals to force. Some of us think that, though it says it is, it really likes them-which is perhaps why we fear that the League of Nations is but a scrap of paper. Writing down and subscribing to our pretense won't purge us of the sin.

You call the League an "experiment," and yet you ask your readers to be sure they get this experiment, with something rather vital to Americans, even though they may later be sorry.

sug

Again, what has The Outlook come to that it would deny, as it does in the gestion of the sixth paragraph of this article, the right of every American citizen to think and act through his Constitutional representatives in crises such as the present? The Constitution, as you say, perhaps has its defects; but it is at least true that the people by their own choice that is, by all their representatives-put them there.

The Outlook is becoming quite Wilsonesque in speciousness. Shall we, the Republicans, take this step, this "experiment," just to be sure that the Democrats shall not have the chance to compound the wrong which, through not taking thought, we may find, too late, it contains?

At least The Outlook might have had the delicacy, I think, not to parallel this article with the one bearing the titular illustration of a tablet "In Memory of Theodore Roosevelt-The American.'

I should say that The Outlook needs to clean house. JOHN W. STEWARD. Paterson, New Jersey, July 18, 1919.

VI

I want to congratulate you on the editorial "The Tactical Blunder of the Republicans," on page 425 of The Outlook for July 16. I am satisfied that the majority of the people of this country feel, first, that it is absolutely not a partisan question, and, second, that the League of Nations should be adopted as it stands, to be later corrected and amended as may be found necessary.

In one of his recent speeches Lloyd George made the statement that "had there been a League of Nations in 1914 the great war never would have occurred," and he was right about it. I believe also that the majority of the people are in favor of the tripartite treaty of Great Britain, France, and the United States for the protection and defense of France. in the event of an unprovoked attack on her by Germany. L. B. YAPLE.

Chillicothe, Ohio, July 17, 1919.

VII

Your editorial "Ratify the Treaty," in your July 9 number, is one of the best, if not the best, on the subject.

You say, however, that it would have been wise if the President had followed McKinley's wise course in consulting with the Senators.

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I would refer you to page 374 of "The Education of Henry Adams." John Hay writes: I shall see all treaties slaughmy tered one by one, by the thirty-four per cent of strikers and kickers."

On page 394, speaking of a treaty which ought to be ratified in twenty-four hours: "The Senate wasted six weeks on this one and ratified it with one vote to spare," etc. He says further: "They [the Senate] will reject any treaty on any subject with England. I doubt if they would accept any treaty of consequence f with Russia or Germany," and winds up this paragraph: "Is it worth while for me to keep up this useless labor?"

While Willoughby recognizes the fact that the Senate can be called in while negotiations are in practice, he also recognizes the fact that it is not done as a rule. When the President did consult, it was in the matter of local treaties, if I may so call them—those with the Indians, etc. But not with a complicated treaty such as the one now being acted

Wer

Das

took Japan several days to reconcile herself to the armistice. Previously, every rumor of peace brought about a slump in the stock market. Yet so certain was industry that the war would go on indefinitely that no abatement in its activities could be felt. So when November 11 came it took a little sarcasm from the foreign press to stir Japan to a show of some satisfaction. For a couple of days only foreign houses displayed flags in jubilation. Then Japan recalled that she too was an Ally and the various Chambers of Commerce threw all "bearing aside and brought out their flags, saki, and geishas, in riotous joviality. Officialism donated unto itself a banquet upon the public recreation grounds to which only officials and a few representative foreigners were invited. And after they ate all there was to eat and drank all there was to drink and played with all the geishas there were to play with (wives are never invited) they left the grounds for the common people to swarm about the remnants. Thus the East thought it had manifested its pleasure that the world had been made safe for democracy.

Why this hesitation? Because Japan was not really in the war. No country in the world has gained more and suffered less than Japan. She gained materially and she gained socially. At this time, when the nations are balancing their accounts, it is well for us to give a little summary of Japan's profit and loss from the war.

I will not dwell on the acquisition of the Marshall Islands, which lie so conveniently between the Hawaiian group and the Philippines, and not inconveniently distant from the Southern Hemisphere. I will leave Shantung to speak for itself, if its voice has not already been silenced, as was that of Korea. I will limit myself to the question of legitimate gains (if war profits can be regarded as such) to which Japan is as much entitled as any other individual or group which supplies the materials of warfare and to such social gains as can be directly traced to the

war.

First, then, come the material gains. Of these Kobe is perhaps the best example. No port in the Far East has come up so stridently as did Kobe during the war. Were it not for the silk trade, Yokohama would have completely fallen out of the race behind Kobe. Now this is significant. Yokohama lies near the capital (Tokyo), and will always be a distributing center for the Empire. Commercially and geographically, however, Japan has become the center of the business of the Pacific. During the war Japan's exports increased so

tremen

dously that a port more on the direct highway of the world's trade was necessary. As such none was more suitable than Kobe, and it rose to the situation. Where up to the outbreak of the war Kobe's foreign settlement (where all the export

and import trade is handled) was largely under the control of foreigners, to-day the Japanese have well-nigh ousted them. All the desirable business sites have been bought over by Japanese narikin' establishments at enormous prices, in many cases the Government giving every possible financial support to natives. One foreigner disposed of a piece of property which cost him about $12,000 for $225,000. And to-day splendid modern struc-. tures crowd the former settlement-the pride of the Japanese.

Industrially, Japan has simply been seething with activity. No contract was ever turned aside; it was easy enough to fail to supply the material afterwards. Scandals in commerical circles were rife. Whereas other countries had to submit quietly to innumerable embargoes. that England and America found necessary to impose on the export of their materials, Japan always found some way of having them loosened for her sake. When negotiations were under way for the construction of merchantmen, Japan so prepared her plans that, under whatever circumstances, she would come out with from 175,000 to 450,000 tons of shipping ahead of her pre-war situation, while supplying the Allies with her old discarded types of vessels. She is now the mistress of the Pacific.

Of all this activity, Kobe was the center. From my house, at the other end of the city, I could hear the sound of the pneumatic hammers far after midnight. Four years ago Kobe was a promise; today its dockyards, its steel mills, its steamers, give it the appearance of a city of tremendous size. of tremendous size. Its population has reached nearly 600,000, and it is the fifth largest city in Japan. Houses are as scarce as they are in New York. Smokestacks darken the sky with streams of smoke. And all because a war broke out in Europe, twelve thousand miles.

away.

So great was the increase in trade and business in all Japan that for two years the railways and telegraphs and post office have been rendered virtually helpless. Telegrams could be delivered much more quickly if sent by train and letters with more certainty if sent by special messenger. The extent of inefficiency in these various branches of service would form the basis for an article in itself. Yet with all the prosperity salaries in Government departments still ranged from $6 to $50 a month. Only two per cent of the people earn more than $1,000 a year. In place of increase in salaries the Government offered marks of distinction and honor, expecting that good subjects would rejoice over small favors.

Yet the war intensified social conditions markedly. It made marikin of 1 The word narikin can be translated by our parvenu. It comes from the Japanese chess and is used when one of the pawns is jumped across the board. It is much more than a man who has just become rich-one who has made a bound for riches.

coolies who in another generation will be seeking vacancies in the House of Peers. It has drawn the outcasts from their isolation into industrialism and forced them upon the social consciousness in unprecedented ways. It has increased the cost, though it has not yet raised the standard, of living. On an average, Japan still has more poverty and suffering and absence of individual development than most other civilized countries. But the conditions under war have made the average Japanese less contented with mere rice and daikon (a vegetable shaped like a radish, pickled, and with a strong, unpleasant odor). He has seen how his neighbor in a couple of years became a rich man. Though the masses are much poorer than they ever were, a very few have obtained great wealth. While the war brought the peoples of Europe and America down to a basis of necessity, curtailing all luxuries, for many in Japan it meant the reverse-the shunning of simple living. Of that they had had more than their share.

Another source of gain to Japan has been in knowledge of military science. She has been able to look on and learn at a loss of only some two thousand men. That is a gain which may sooner or later have to be put in the debit column.

Some of the monetary gains are no less doubtful. It is felt in Japan that those who secured these material advantages are doing little to retain them. They have not placed either themselves or their country on a firm trade basis, having sought immediate progress more than a good reputation for business ethics. And that is a definite loss to Japan which some of its people are viewing with alarm.

Let us now turn to the social gains. What emotional, political, moral, and intellectual advantage has Japan which she did not have before the war? Emotionally there has been but a slight awakening. Sympathy with the wronged, with the suffering, has touched her but little. Politically there has been considerable discussion of democracy, but mighty little of its real significance has penetrated the crust of imperialism. You hear among the students in the higher schools (of which I was an instructor) considerable talk about democracy, and they have even gone to the point of holding demonstrations for the extension of the franchise. But the true meaning of democracy is not understood. Even the leaders in that vanguard naïvely advance a vague statement said to have been made by the first Emperor, Jimmu Tenno (who is largely wrapped in myth), about how much his rule depended upon the people, as proof that from time immemorial the basic principles of their government have been democratic.

Intellectually and morally Japan has learned that education and honest business are national assets. As the result of

the increase in foreign trade, she has found it necessary greatly to increase her educational facilities. Commercial schools are being raised to the status of universities and the whole educational administration is undergoing considerable changes. But, unfortunately, morally Japan has not applied, so far, the principles she has taught her young men. The breaking of contracts, the passing off of material inferior to that agreed upon, would form a chapter in a study of Japan by no means to her credit.

W

WHY

One of the most satisfactory gains from an Occidental point of view has been that Japan has been forced to think outwardly on international affairs. She looked abroad, for instance, and saw the extent to which women helped win the war, and was somewhat alarmed. Japan realized that should her women be placed in the same position as were the women of the West it would not go well with the land. The condition of woman may, in consequence, some day be improved. There is a dim light of hope.

U CHAO-CHU, delegate to the Peace Conference from the Constitutionalist Government of China, and son of Wu Ting-fang, twice Ambassador to the United States, recently passed through New York on his way to Washington. When asked why China refused to sign the peace treaty, Wu Chao-chu responded as follows:

"While the other Great Powers were engaged in the war with Germany Japan took advantage of the situation to press her Twenty-one Demands, which aimed at the political and economic domination of China.

"The provisions relating to Shantung, which the Chinese Government signed with Japan under duress, were that China should agree to any arrangements which Japan might thereafter make regarding the disposition of German rights in the Shantung Province; that the Japanese Government would restore Kiaochau to China, providing Japan be granted an exclusive concession to be designated later, and also that Japan should have the option of building a new railway in Shantung.

"The exclusive concession' was no less than the port of Tsingtao, situated in the Bay of Kiaochau. This port was seized by the German Government in 1897, because of the killing of two German missionaries in China, and in March, 1898, the Manchu Government was forced to conclude a lease with Germany, giving her control of the port for a period of ninety-nine years. This treaty, forged by the mailed fist of the German Junkers, also provided for the passage of German troops in a zone around the Bay of Kiaochau and the granting of railway and mining rights in the province of Shantung.

"The port of Tsingtao is a strategic and commercial stronghold of vital importance to the safety and economic life of China. It has a fine harbor, excellent docks, and strong fortresses, upon which the German Government has spent millions. It is also a popular summer resort. According to present plans, Japan intends to put into the concession the important features of the port and return

"Thus Japan has secured control of the gateway to Shantung Province, with an area of 36,000 square miles and a population of 38,000,000. It is an integral population of 38,000,000. It is an integral part of China and has been so for centuries. It is also the birthplace of Chinese civilization, for here Confucius was born. "When in 1917 America broke off diplomatic relations with Germany, she invited all neutrals to do likewise, in order to show the world's unanimous disapproval of German militarism. When China received this invitation, she responded immediately, and was the first of the neutrals thus to take action. Later China declared war upon Germany and at the same time announced that all treaties made with her enemies were thereby abrogated. The Powers at war with Germany thereupon sent notes of congratulation to China, indorsing her attitude, which amounted to an express recognition of the fact that the treaty granting Germany rights in the Shantung granting Germany rights in the Shantung Province was canceled, and that these rights automatically reverted to China.

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When the Peace Conference opened, it soon became evident that Japan had a hold upon the delegates, the nature of which did not appear upon the surface. Later it was discovered that this was nothing more nor less than the secret understandings entered into with Japan by the Governments of Great Britain, France, Italy, and Russia. They were arrived at after China had sent a note to Germany threatening to break off diplomatic relations unless she relinquished submarine warfare. It was promised Japan that her claims to the Shantung Province would be supported at the Peace Conference, provided that she would use her influence to compel China to declare war against Germany. But the bitter irony of the situation was that Japan had continually brought pressure to bear upon China to prevent her entering the war against Germany.

"Until the Fiume incident, when the Italian delegates withdrew from the Conference, America remained China's best friend; but the added danger that

Japan might withdraw from the Conference if her demands were not granted threatened the establishment of the League of Nations. Certain French newspapers then announced that Japan might follow the example of Italy. If these countries should withdraw from the Peace Conference because of the opposition of President Wilson to their de mands, who would be responsible for the failure of the League of Nations? No matter how moral or legal China's claims 4 might be at the Conference, the Powers felt bound to fulfill their secret understandings with Japan, in spite of the fact that Japan's Twenty-one Demands upon China were made under duress and wholly oblivious of the fact that Germany had no rights in the Shantung Province to which Japan or any other country could lawfully succeed. And so America gave way and the so-called rights of Germany in Shantung were transferred to Japan.

"Later the Chinese delegates were informed that all former German rights were to be given over to Japan, unconditionally, and this agreement the Chinese delegates were asked to sign. Whereupon they protested, first orally, and subsequently in writing.

"It was announced that Japan had agreed with the Powers that Shantung would later be returned to China; but no definite time was mentioned when Japan nese control should end. It is interesting its to note here that Japan promises to return to China sovereign rights in Shantung, although Germany never asserted any rights of sovereignty.

"The Chinese delegates agreed to sign the Treaty with Germany, subject to a reservation of the three articles relating to Shantung. But they were told that they must sign without reservations. The position of the delegates was a most delicate one. Not to sign would be an admis sion to the world that the Allies were divided, thus strengthening the cause of the common enemy-Germany. To sign meant the betrayal of the whole Chinese nation, that is arrayed unanimously against any such step.

"In obedience to the will of my peo

ple the Chinese delegates refused to sign, so that a state of war still exists between China and Germany, making necessary the conclusion of a separate treaty of peace.

"From her experience at the Peace Table China has learned several important lessons. First, she knows that Amer

ica is her stanch and sincere friend, having championed China's rights, and at last giving way only when the possible withdrawal of both Italy and Japan menaced the League of Nations. With the final result the American delegation was as much disappointed as the Chinese. "China is well known for her pacific

settlements of disputes, despising the thought of being compelled to resort to barbarous methods of war, such as have been exemplified by the horrors of German militarism. But she also realizes that the millennium has certainly not yet come -the age of peace when right shall triumph over might."

UPERLATIVES alone can do jus

Stice to the Centenary Celebration of American Methodism, just closed in Columbus, where for nearly a month not only the followers of John Wesley, but those who owe allegiance to other great leaders of Protestantism thronged the Ohio State Fair Grounds, which cover over one hundred acres.

One of the chief reasons why the Celebration was held in Columbus was because this is the center of American Methodism. The Methodist Church, North and South, was responsible for this enterprise the first time that these two great churches have got together on a really comprehensive programme, and it was noted that the attendance was very largely from the South.

The Celebration cost Methodism a million dollars; it was attended by a million people; it was held, in part, to celebrate the raising of one hundred and sixty million dollars for missions. It was a jubilee engaged in with an abandon that for once made the world understand that the Church could do a big thing in a big way.

Eight great buildings housed exhibits from every part of the world. Nearly twenty thousand people served as "stewards" and other helpers during the Celebration. The music was rendered by thousands of singers, and there were bands and orchestras and quartettes and soloists of National reputation.

The pageant "The Wayfarer," written by Dr. J. E. Crowther, of the First Methodist Episcopal Church of Seattle, Washington, was one of the greatest productions of its kind ever seen in this country. Every night the great Coliseum, which seats about seven thousand people, was packed and thousands were turned away. - Reserved seat tickets could scarcely be purchased from their owners at any price. Most extravagant offers were made to management by theatrical producers to repeat the pageant in the big cities of this country. At least one fact was demonstrated in the popularity of the pageant-namely, that the masses of people will go to see and hear a production which is distinctly religious in character and which has practically none of the objectionable elements which theatrical managers say the public is demanding.

the

On the other hand, it is unquestionably true that many prominent leaders of

Methodism who were opposed to the theater saw in "The Wayfayer" a remarkable opportunity for using the drama for the teaching of great religious doctrines.

The costumes and scenic effects were

designed by Livingston Platt, of New York, and the beautiful combinations of colors, not only in this regard, but in the general lighting effects, for which Laugeneral lighting effects, for which Laurence H. Rich was responsible, made a profound impression upon the audi

ences.

World travelers who were present at the Celebration declared that the exhibits were of so high a character and were so ably presented by the stewards and the hundreds of lecturers as to make it possible for one to obtain a liberal education in the religions and general customs of the people in almost every part of the world.

The managers of the Celebration felt that this alone justified the expenditure of a million dollars for the production of the Celebration's features. It will now be much easier to talk missions to Methodists.

In a most interesting fashion the problems of American life were presented. lems of American life were presented. A New York East Side street was shown and an attempt was made to vivify the every-day life of the tenement dwellers.

A great deal of attention was given to the industrial problem, not only in the exhibits but in the life plays and demonstrations, of which there were scores in the various buildings.

For example, the Bolsheviki and the professional labor agitators called a "strike" of "workingmen," and in the mass-meetings which they held an opportunity was given to present the other side of the question in open forum discussions.

This was one of the most effective parts of the programme presented at the Celebration. The influence of the centenary upon thousands of workers who took part in many ways was invaluable, and this also would have justified the expenditure of the great sum required to put on the Celebration.

The five hundred college men and women who spent a month serving as stewards got a new idea of what the work of the Church actually means-to say nothing about the thousands of other workers who were not college students.

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The Church has learned as never before the value of publicity in pushing its work. No other single enterprise of the Protestant Church in all of its history obtained as much publicity as did the Centenary Celebration. High-grade graphics" dealing with the great problems and work of the Church were widely used. A supplement to the "Ohio State Journal" was issued daily dealing exclusively with the Celebration and its programme. Very carefully edited and selected literature was widely distributed.

Never again will a religious body engage in a great campaign without securing the co-operation of the newspapers and other periodicals. Money was also spent for newspaper advertising, to say nothing about immense posters which were freely used throughout the State.

It must not be imagined that this Centenary Celebration was merely a glorified camp-meeting or an old-fashioned missionary concert. There were enough of these elements to satisfy the most devout Christian, for the devotional and evangelistic meetings were given great prominence; but the Celebration was principally educational in character.

There were twenty-four great days, every one a feature day, with men of National and in many cases international prominence speaking to immense audi

Most of the great denominational bodies sent their executives to the Celebration to study it with the view of utilizing in their own work such features as could be adapted to their own programmes, and it is altogether likely that the Interchurch World Movement, which will soon launch what will probably be the greatest campaign in the history of the Church, will conduct a somewhat similar enterprise on its own account.

The Director-General of the Centenary Celebration was S. Earl Taylor, who is also at the head of the Interchurch World Movement.

BY JOHN S. PARDEE

we are coming to. Used to be so that a man who was in business ran it. The Springfield Mercantile Company was Philetus Crawford. He ran it. The Springfield Manufacturing Company was Zenas Potter. Every one knew where to find him. The First National was Henry Grierson's bank. He managed it-read every letter that came in, wrote every letter that went out, and wrote them all in his own hand. Thomas Brown and S. T. Wilcox owned the dry-goods store. And they ran it. They created the business, they financed it, bought the goods and sold them, knew where everything was on the shelf, and how much every customer owed, and what every one in the store was doing every minute. All dead or moved to California. Business in Springfield isn't what it used to be. Not a substantial concern left that is conducted by its owners. It's all done by hired men.

The Brown & Wilcox Company, at Main and Second Street, is still the biggest store in town-bigger and brighter and busier than when Thomas Brown sat in the office and S. T. Wilcox busied himself on the floor. Years ago, when the old gentlemen began to feel comfortable, they eased themselves into a corporation, keeping a general oversight but turning the active management over to younger men. Now their estates hold a controlling interest and the names of Brown and Wilcox appear only in the corporate title. Their heirs are represented by A. G. Simcoe, who was attorney for the partners, but his knowledge of the business begins and ends with the annual meeting. Even their understudies have vanished. R. B. Farson, who got his training under them, is still president of the company, but since he graduated into the First National he hardly looks into the store more than once a month. Carter, vice-president and general manager, is an importation. Phillips, assistant manager, and Wright, sales manager, were unknown youngsters in the days of Brown and Wilcox. Between them the present managers own about ten per cent of the stock. As Judge Beasley says, the owners never come near the store. The business is supervised by a banker and a lawyer; it is run by hired men.

Across Main Street is the First National Bank, mostly owned by estates. Some of its dividend checks go to California and some to New York. A lawyer represents the Grierson heirs. Farson, who is cashier and practically manager, has ten thousand of the stock in a million-dollar capital. The live directors are young business men who furnish connections more than capital.

Over on Front Street is the Springfield Mercantile Company, originally Philetus Crawford, wholesale groceries and provisions, lime, salt, and sundries. When he died, the company brought Bates back to be general manager. Bates, who formerly traveled for the company, was making

ford staked him to a business. The company fixed him out with an attractive salary and a small interest to be paid for from the earnings. The owners give him a free hand. Another business owned largely by estates and run by hired men.

Beyond the tracks is the Springfield Manufacturing Company. Owned by estates-except the bonds which Zenas Potter willed to Bethany College and a block of the preferred held by Dr. Vernon, who married into the family. The business is owned by widows and orphans, and is run by hired men.

So all through Springfield, so in a thousand Springfields. People who own business do not run it; people who run business do not own it. Just hired men.

For that matter, look at the railways, and Standard Oil, and United States Steel. Nobody in particular owns them. The directors, who are elected by proxies, have blocks of stock which are conspicuously large only among a swarm of infinitesimals. Ownership is impersonal; the business is run by hired men.

Notwithstanding Judge Beasley's quavering comment, business has fared well under hired management. Thomas Brown and S. T. Wilcox never dreamed what a hive the Brown & Wilcox Company would become. It does more business, turns its stock quicker, carries more lines, and displays a livelier assortment. What do you suppose the fine old men who founded the First National would say if they saw the way the bank goes after business? In Grierson's day one had to be introduced by unimpeachable sponsors before he was privileged to open an account. Now Tim Collins's wife pays her monthly bills by check, Tony Caprelli banks the daily proceeds of his peanut sales, and little Annie Franklin enters unabashed to deposit her handful of pennies. A department for women, a department for savings, a subdepartment for children, a window for bonds, a booth for War Savings-what would Henry Grierson say?

Remember how Old Man Crawford used to stand in his shirt-sleeves in the Mercantile Company's doorway? Remember what a tight grip Zenas Potter kept on the Manufacturing Company? Bates in the wholesale house and Kelly in the factory start more new things in a week than their revered predecessors would have stood for in a lifetime.

So all through Springfield, so in a thousand Springfields closer buying, brisker selling, livelier collections. The abdication of the owner in favor of the hired man lets more vim into business than it loses.

In the good old days when a man's business was his own, its limit was the amount of capital he could swing and the force he could swing it with. Its life was what its maker gave it. When he lost his grip, dry rot set in ; when he died, it was sold or wound up. A strong individuality might be projected posthumously, as when

Peter Wilkins's business was carried or by Jenkins & Fordyce, successors t Peter Wilkins, or when T. Perry_8 Sons was continued by the boys. Bu business seldom survived beyond the firs successor or the second generation.

Corporate methods have changed busi ness from a hardy annual to a perennia growth. In the beginning the corporatio was merely the financial background for man-Grierson was the bank, Crawford. was the Mercantile Company, Potter wa the Manufacturing Company. But the corporation has developed from a devic into a creature with strength of its own, ways of its own, a spirit its own. Several of our Springfield corporations are nota only stronger than any one man's capital, more vigorous than any one man's energy, but actually more human than the personalities of Grierson and Potter and Crawford.i The loyalty to the house in these modern concerns is more vivid than the boys eve felt who worked for the old masters.

As in Springfield, so in a thousand Springfields. The reign of the hired man under impersonal ownership is amply vin dicated.

Management by hired men is not the whole story of the changing order. In th veteran days a business man was king on his domain. He fixed hours and wage f and made the rules. It shocked him whe his commoners asserted their obstreperou way. Teaching them their place was par of his business duty. There is no doubt a all that labor troubles hastened Zena Potter's end. It was the unions. He coul have stood it to wrestle with his ow crew, though dictation from men wh worked by the day was simply monstrou But the interference of outsiders w more than he could stand. Never mir whether the terms were easily met or o pressive; it was working under the uni scale not his scale, union hours not h hours, union conditions not his con tions, that broke his sturdy spirit.

That is all a matter of course to t new generation of shop managers. Kel who sits in Zenas Potter's office, tak? the unions as part of the natural ord In fact, when the grievance committ calls his first move is to draw his union card from his wallet. He wo have them remember that he came from the ranks and has not forgott how things look to the man at the ben But Kelly has a new set of troubles.

He burst into Al Simcoe's office t other day as red in the face as Zen Potter in his purplest moments. "What you suppose those darned fools want now

That's Al Simcoe, who is being initiat by his father, with some misgivings, ir the management of the Potter estate. A. read law in an older lawyer's office; Simcoe went to college, where he acquir some curious notions. He recogniz without explanation that "those darn fools" referred to the men who work f