Kolchak has stated quite distinctly and on various occasions that he is going to lead the Russian people to the convocation of a National Assembly; he took an oath, and as a man of honor he will uphold it, that he would merely consider himself as a temporary ruler, and that he would lead the nation to the polls. Anarchy must be crushed in order to give the people the opportunity to work out a national policy of their own and such a political status as would best fit their historical traditions and national aspirations. It is for those who hate Bolshevism and all it implies to give their sympathy and support to every sound effort to unite the Russian people in a campaign for selfgovernment rather than to deal with the Moscow gang as if they represented in any large or true sense the Russian people. THE INVASION OF HUNGARY Pressure from without as well as dissension within has caused the downfall of the Communist Government in Hungary headed by Bela Kun. Indeed, in the first days in May it was reported that King Ferdinand of Rumania was about to enter Budapest, Hungary's capital. Bela Kun's rule has never been firmly established, and the Red Army raised by his followers has been far from formidable. The threat of the Russian Bolsheviki to send forces to the aid of the Reds in Hungary, which included an ultimatum to Rumania demanding the evacuation of Bessarabia, has proved to be an absurd piece of boastfulness, and the fall of the Communist Government in Hungary is the best reply to the Bolshevik braggadocio. However much one may approve of the downfall of the Reds in Hungary, the whole warlike episode is a reproach to weakness of purpose among the Great Powers. It was their duty, during the period between the signing of the armistice and the completion of peace terms with Germany and Austria, to see that peace was kept in Central Europe. It is not necessary to pass an opinion as to the justice of the claims of Rumania and of the Czechoslovaks. It was not for those countries to decide where the line of territorial demarkation between Hungary and neighboring countries should lie. That was the duty of the Powers, and if military action was necessary as against Hungary, it should have been taken by the Powers themselves. At one time the Council of the Allies in Paris positively forbade such action as the Rumanians and Czechoslovaks have taken in attacking Hungary, but their decree, for it was in that form, received little or no attention. At all events, hostilities ceased only when the Hungarians offered territorial concessions both to Rumania and the Czechoslovaks. If Hungary is to be dis membered or diminished in territory (and the misgovernment in that country certainly makes her deserve drastic terms), the decision should come, not through little wars waged by newly formed countries, but through a serious decision reached by the Powers really responsible for the peace of the future. The incident illustrates, as does the Allies' attitude toward the Russian situation, the fact that there have been lacking at Paris the clear decision and vigor which should have been the controlling element during this intermediate period. THE GALLANT SEVENTY-SEVENTH New York City last week honored and welcomed its Seventy-seventh Division no less enthusiastically than it did before the equally, famous Twenty-seventh (which in its make-up was more a State and less a city division than the Seventyseventh) or its favorite "Irish Sixtyninth," or than New England welcomed its gallant Twenty-sixth Division the other day. If the Twenty-seventh helped break the Hindenburg line, the Seventyseventh cleared up the Argonne Forest and played its part bravely and victoriously in the great Argonne offensive the one big offensive carried on by an all-American army on a large scale; in it over 600,000 American soldiers were engaged and some of the many divisions employed suffered the heaviest casualties of the war. The Seventy-seventh, made up of selective service men, was surely a meltingpot division. One newspaper writer says of its men: Eighteen months ago they were a conglomerate mob of tailors, scions of the colonial Dutch "square heads," college men, stevedores, subway diggers, millionaires, bankers, crap-shooters, stuss-players, and gunmen. To-day, surviving veterans of some of the fiercest battles of the greatest war in history, they are returning conscious of a clean fighting record that gives strength to their claims of glory. Among the things for which the Seventyseventh will always be remembered is the glorious incident of Lieutenant-Colonel Whittlesey's "Lost Battalion." General Alexander, the division commander, has declared that the battalion, although cut off and surrounded by the Germans, was neither lost" nor rescued,' but that Lieutenant-Colonel Whittlesey, having been ordered to take a certain objective, took it, and advanced more rapidly than troops on his flanks and troops behind him. 66 This version adds rather than detracts from the heroism of the achievement, for it shows that there was no rash, reckless advance beyond orders or against orders -a serious military fault which in more than one instance in this war resulted in tragic, purposeless loss of life. Whatever their racial descent or social history-and every grade, high and low, was represented—these men were Americans through and through. Their valor and their patriotism were of the highest. They will take back to their homes the spirit of common American effort and sacrifice for the common safety and honor. And this influence may go far to counteract pernicious theories preached by antiAmerican Anarchists. MAY DAY VIOLENCE By a lamentable custom of agitators and "demonstrators," May Day, once devoted to outdoor rejoicing, has become the rallying-point of industrial warfare and anarchistic violence—and in some instances of anti-anarchistic but no less lawless violence. Such rioting as took place on May 1 in Cleveland, New York, Paris, and elsewhere was not on a large scale, although lives were lost and injuries were numerous, but is deplorable because it indicates ignorant lack of faith in legitimate methods of presenting reasonable claims or political purposes. Charges of disloyalty and Bolshevism, on one side, and of brutality by police or mobs of discharged soldiers, on the other, intensify bad feeling. The remedy in the future is in stronger and clearer laws defining or limiting the rights of public speaking and "demonstrating," and the rigid enforcement of law against any overt attempt to incite revolution or preach disloyalty. Terrorism may be advocated in Moscow, but it ought not to be conceivable in Paris or New York. Socialism is not to be brought about by street fighting, nor is it to be defeated by beating up even offensive agitators. If there are centers of objectionable agitation (as is alleged of the Rand School in New York), there must be law to deal with the pests, not angry mobs. In line with this commonplace principle, Senator New proposes to reintroduce his bill forbidding the publishing or selling of books or papers which advise "the overthrow by force or violence or by physical injury to person or property or by general cessation of industry of the Government of the United States or of all government." Equally stringently the bill forbids the display of any flag or emblem intended "to symbolize a purpose to overthrow by force or violence or by physical injury to person or property, or by the general cessation of industry, the Government of the United States." This may or may not precisely meet the situation, but that some measures should be taken is proven by the perfectly senseless violence of last May Day. The atrocious attempt to murder, by " deadly bombs sent through the mail, men who have been prominently identified with trying Anarchists or who are assumed to be anti-radical or capitalistic in their sympathies, also suggests the need of new legislation; for it is stated that bomb manufacture is more prevalent in America than elsewhere simply because our laws are lax as to the manufacture and sale of explosives. Only the quick intelligence of a post-office employee prevented a series of horrible murders, and while clues seemed at first to be abundant, the scoundrel who planned the crime remains, as we write, undetected. Whether the criminal was an anarchistic agitator or not, he certainly was moved by hatred against the exponents of law and order. The theory of the Reds that the crime was a frame-up" by their enemies is baseless and silly. 66 STREET RAILWAY FARES Various cities throughout the country have been struggling with the question of street railway fares. The companies operating such railways have claimed that the standard fare of five cents is not sufficient to pay the wages and other costs of operation and maintenance, and bonded interest, to say nothing of dividends. In more than one instance the fares have been increased fifty per cent with the consent of municipal or other officials. In The Outlook of April 30 Mr. Theodore H. Price published an article with a chart entitled "The Index Number Wage," which showed at a glance how the price of foodstuffs and other necessary commodities has risen during the last twenty years. At that time we said:" It is perfectly clear that the wages of employees must go up with the cost of living. It is equally a mathematical deduction that railway rates must go up also to meet this necessary rise in wages or else the railways will be bankrupt." This mathematical deduction is just as applicable to the street railways as it is to the steam railways. Either the street railways must be taken over by the various municipalities in which they run and must be operated as public utilities, the taxpayer bearing the deficits; or, if private management is desired, the private owners must receive sufficient return to warrant them in maintaining proper service. There are a good many reasons for thinking that the public sentiment in this country favors private operation under some kind of fair governmental regulation of its steam railways. The same, we think, is true in most communities at present of street railways. The question is, What is fair regulation? We have received a communication from a reader of The Outlook who for some years has had active experience in the organization and reorganization of street railway companies, in which he endeavors briefly to outline a plan of municipal regulation of street railways. From that communication we quote the following passage: If the street railway is to be looked upon as a servant of the people, and that is what it must be, then in order to be an efficient servant it must be operated and run by trained men who must look to the excellence of their work for a continuance of their jobs, and the road must earn enough to pay interest on what it is worth as a going concern, pay its wages, and maintain its property. This means a business, not a political, organization. Hostility between the street railway and the city served must cease in the interest of both. This can be brought about by valuing the roads of to-day as going concernsthe city and the road in question each to name one firm of engineers, and these two to select a third, the city to pass such ordinances as will permit seven per cent to be earned upon the agreed upon valuation and on the new property added from time to time, through the imposition of such fares as will raise the necessary revenue; and in consideration of such action on the city's part to protect the property at its just value, any excess earnings to be divided between the corporation and the city, the city at its annual election to elect two directors, one an engineer and the other a certified accountant, to represent it on the RailBoard. ·way With the city then in partnership with the street railway, its records and accounts open at all times to the city through its accredited representative on the Board, the many fruitful grounds for misunderstanding will be abolished. The election of men for this specific purpose will prevent a shifting of responsibility from one city father to another, and men so elected can be held to a strict accountability. Both the railway officials. and the city's officials will be only too anxious to stand well with the public, and the Public Service Commission will still exist as an umpire. This kind of partnership between the city authorities and street railway experts is well worth consideration, and we commend it to those who are struggling with these problems. DEMOCRATIC FACTORY MANAGEMENT Many years ago The Outlook published a series of articles under the general title of "Industrial Democracy." It is our impression that the term "industrial democracy" was framed and first used in these columns. At all events, we employed it to express our belief that in the slow but steady process of social revolution in which man first struggled for and established religious democracy, then political democracy, then educational democracy, he is now seeking perfectly logically to obtain democracy in industry. We have defined industrial democracy There have recently come to our attention three or four interesting instances in which there has been an earnest attempt made by corporations to give their workers a share in the profits and a representation in the management. This is due, we think, to the changes produced by the war in the economic theories of the world. We have asked Mr. Theodore H. Price, a valued contributor to The Outlook on economic and industrial problems, to give us an article on this subject. In preparing it he desires the co-operation of our readers and asks us to print the fol lowing letter, which we gladly do: May 1, 1919. To the Readers of The Outlook: At the suggestion of the editors of The Outlook, I am planning to write an article upon "Profit Sharing and Democratic Factory Management." In this article I shall endeavor to include a comparative digest of the various profit-sharing plans that have been introduced in the conduct of many American industrial and commercial establishments. That this digest may be inclusive and intelligent, I am taking this method of requesting that all those to whose eye this letter may come should send me in detail or in outline a description of any profit-sharing plan of which they may have knowledge as in actual operation. I shall also appreciate any suggestions drawn from the experience or observation of my correspondents that will be helpful. My address is 15 Wall Street, New York, N. Y. THEODORE H. PRICE. AMERICAN SOLDIERS AND It has long been a dream of the writer of this paragraph-probably never to be realized, alas!-that it would be delightful to spend a winter in the old French university town of Montpellier. Montpellier lies practically on the Mediterranean near Marseilles, and is the seat of one of the oldest and perhaps it may also be said one of the most oldfashioned universities in France. It has a special place in academic history be cause one of the great classical scholars of the Renaissance period, Isaac Casaubon, lectured there. What could be more pleasant for ar American who hates the cold and wo loves the sunshine of the Medan than to spend a winter at Montpellier, straightening out and polishing up his French by taking a course of lectures, extra curriculum, on, let us say, the life and work of Casaubon himself, provided some member of the faculty could be persuaded to give such a course of lectures. All these reflections are prompted by some facts which have just been furnished to us through the courtesy of Mr. Marcel Knecht, of the Official Bureau of French Information in New York City, regarding the registration of American soldiers of the A. E. F. in French universities. Mr. André Tardieu, formerly French High Commissioner to the United States, devised a plan last autumn by which these soldiers, most of them college men whom the war seized from their studies, have been distributed among the French universities. The purpose of the plan is to give American soldiers an opportunity to spend time that is not needed for military duties in taking special courses in continuation of their academic careers. The amazing number of 5,800 soldiers have been availing themselves of this opportunity. Fourteen universities in various towns throughout the French Republic are participating in the plan. Seventeen hundred American soldiers are registered, for example, at the Sorbonne in Paris, and eleven hundred are registered, or were on the last of March, at the University of Toulouse in southern France. The next largest number, five hundred and fifty, were at Montpellier. The balance of these American students were distributed at the Universities of Rennes, Caen, Nancy, Poitiers, Dijon, Besançon, Grenoble, AixMarseille, Bordeaux, Clermont-Ferrand, and Lyon. American professors who are doing special war service in France have been taken into the work and are acting in the capacity of what might perhaps be called university liaison officers. There could be no better scheme devised to develop and maintain the relations of understanding and friendship between the two Republics. England is also opening her universities to American soldier students. An early issue of The Outlook will contain an article by Dr. Shipley, of Christ's College, Cambridge, giving some impressions of the American Army men now studying at this ancient and beautiful British seat of learning. THE INTERCHURCH WORLD MOVEMENT "America has moved out of its old isolation into the realm of world affairs. The programme of the Church must match the policy of the Nation if the Church is to continue as a world force." This, in substance, is what the Interchurch World Movement, which was the subject of a great Conference held in Cleveland on April 30 to May 2, stands for. Perhaps its spirit can best be described by certain extracts from the speech of the Chairman of the gathering, Dr. S. Earl Taylor. It was in that speech that he used the words which we quote as the characterization of the movement. He cited the remarks of General Byng, the famous commander of the Canadians at Vimy and of the British Third Army at Cambrai, when he said to Bishop McConnell: "I trust that you will go back to your own country and go to your own people, and in every way that you can urge upon them that in the days, the terrible days ahead of us, the days after the war, the Church shall fail not." And Dr. Taylor asked, "What has made democracy safe in America?" And he answered, "The Christian home, the open Bible, the free church. In a word, the foundations of intelligence and morality laid deep by our Pilgrim and Puritan forefathers." And he went on to show by words and by pictures on the screen that invariably at the bottom of every peril that is threatening the world to-day is the lack of that foundation of morality, and to show also that the places of stability, of contentment, of peace, and of strength are places where moral principle and education, and, underneath all, religious faith, prevail. And he put before his audience facts showing that investments in schools and churches are really investments in security. "Beyond all question the Church of Christ is incomparably the most powerful organization that we know anything about in the world. And yet a fair study of its latent resources and unused power would probably compel us to conclude that of all the great organizations in the world the Church is developed to the smallest percentage of its capacity." He declared that interest charges on the cost of the World War at four per cent for one hour exceeded the total gifts from America for foreign missions for the year 1918. The Interchurch World Movement is an attempt to bring the Protestant Churches, that is, the twenty-five million people who make up the Protestant Churches of America, into action somewhat more in proportion than at present to their power and resources. It is an effort to enable America, the only Western Nation that has not sacrificed virtually a whole generation of its youth in war, to see that the democracy which the war has saved is itself saved from becoming merely materialistic or destructive or anarchic by being made a moral, a religious, a Christian democracy. To this end, the Conference at Cleveland assembled nearly five hundred delegates, representing twenty-eight denominations. Most of these delegates were officers or members of various missionary boards, a number of them were college presidents and professors, others repre sented interdenominational organizations, and others were editors and clergymen. It was decided to make surveys to show what is being done and what is not being done in home and foreign missions, education, religious training, and social service. When the surveys are ready, then a co-operative community and world programme will be outlined and put into operation. The purpose is to have in all communities joint "drives" like those for the Liberty Loans or the Red Cross, but in this case for the common use of the Protestant churches. The first purpose is to increase the constituency of the churches to double it. It is somewhat staggering, certainly it is a bold conception, but its boldness has won to the movement many of the strongest leaders. There was a frank facing of the fact that in all this the Churches would have to place themselves in accord with the spirit of democracy, and especially in contact with industrial questions and with the life of people who work with their hands. A keen edge to the discussion of this aspect of the problem before the Churches was given by the fact that on Thursday, in front of the hotel occupied by the Convention, there was a Socialist i demonstration and rioting. It is true that the participants in the riot were over whelmingly foreign-born; but the red flags and the disorder and the injuries constituted a picture of what the Church has to face in the world to-day. The official leaders of the Interchurch Movement, chosen by the general committee at this session, are: Chairman, F. W. Ayer, of New York, leader of the Baptist Layman's Movement; vice-chairman, Fred B. Smith, of New York, widely i known as a Y. M. C. A. leader, and promoter of the Men and Religion Movement; recording secretary, W. B. Millar, New York, secretary Layman's Missionary Movement; executive secretary, S. Earl Taylor, New York, secretary Methodist Episcopal Board of Foreign Missions; treasurer, George M. Fowles, New York; and John R. Mott, of New York, chairman of the executive committee. These officials, with the co-operation of "key men " in the various interested denominations, will develop the plans to be perfected at a great gathering which is to be held next fall. THE RED CROSS OF THE The large extension of the field of Red Cross activities, already proposed and to some extent put in operation in this country by the American Red Cross, is to be taken up on a world-wide scale and purpose by a Red Cross Congress to convene at Geneva thirty days after peace has been declared. This International །། 1 Congress at Geneva will be the most momentous meeting in the history of the Red Cross movement. Already a prelimBinary meeting of experts on such subjects אר R T 10 as child welfare, tuberculosis, hygiene, The resolution adopted by these distinguished physicians and scientists of England, France, Japan, Italy, and the United States defines the purpose of the hmovement to be "to spread the light of science and the warmth of human sympathy into every corner of the world." Heretofore the field of the Red Cross has been to alleviate the suffering caused by war or by some terrible calamity. But the efficiency of the association and the liberality with which the people answer its calls for support have made it evident that it has a wider mission than this. Hereafter, as the resolution adopted at the Cannes meeting declared, "while every measure should be taken to repair the ravages of war and to prevent all wars, it is no less important that the world should address itself to the prevention and amelioration of those ever-present tragedies of unnecessary sickness and death which occur in the homes of all peoples." There can be no doubt that this movement will have the support of the peoples of the world in creating a vast organization, thoroughly equipped, to promote human betterment in a systematic and co-ordinated manner. The particular purposes laid down by the experts at the Cannes conference are the development of sound measures for public health and sanitation, the welfare of children and mothers, the education and training of nurses, the control of tuberculosis, venereal diseases, malaria, and other infectious and preventable diseases. The call issued by the International Committee of the Red Cross Societies of the world rightly declares that the new programme is exactly in keeping with the high ideals which led to the formation of the Red Cross half a century ago. It is certainly true, to quote the words of the Committee, that "if it was possible half a century ago to bring nations to an understanding, not to abolish war, but to alleviate in some measure the suffering which follows in its wake, surely such an understanding would be more beneficent, even more glorious, when it leads the nations to work in concert under the impulse of mutual confidence and common charity to remedy certain ills which are visited upon the human society, or to bring aid to one of the nations stricken by sudden catastrophe." FOR WORKING GIRLS Twenty-eight years ago The Outlook first called the attention of its readers to the value and quality of the help rendered sick and tired girls by the Working Girls' Vacation Society of New York. Our readers responded then with liberality. From time to time since similar appeals have shown that the cause was remembered. Now a special condition encourages the hope that the pleasant co-operation of the past may be renewed. In common with other philanthropies, the Working Girls' Vacation Society has felt seriously the financial conditions caused by the war. It is now facing a serious problem. In addition to its regular vacation work at their houses in New York, Conwork at their houses in New York, Connecticut, and New Jersey, the Society has for twenty-five years conducted two houses at Santa Clara, in the Adirondacks, for the care of working girls who have tuberculosis in the incipient and curable state. These houses are necessarily run at special expense, as the girls must have the most nourishing food and live under the best conditions in order that they may be sufficiently benefited to return to their work at the end of the period of rest and recreation. As the nearest physician lives ten miles from the little hamlet of Santa Clara, it is necessary to have a resident doctor in case of a sudden illness. The house is not called a hospital or a sanitarium, but is simply a Vacation House where girls are sufficiently renewed in health to be able to continue work on their return to the city. In many instances the girls must return to Santa Clara for a number of summers before the tendency to consumption is entirely conquered. It often happens that the girls who go to the examining physician in New York have no idea that they are threatened with tuberculosis. They are languid and ill, and when they are told the nature of their trouble they are naturally frightened at first, but later are very grateful that the disease has been taken in time. The two houses in the Adirondacks Uplands and Hillcrest-were given to the Society by Mr. George E. Dodge. They are very perfectly equipped for the work and accommodate fifty-seven girls at a time. Now, because of the increased cost of everything-food, transportation, wages-as well as a decrease in income because of the demands made by the war, the Society will be obliged to close one of these two houses this coming summer unless it can raise the $4,000 necessary for its support. We ask those to whom this intensive effort to make working girls well and strong and give them a healthful and happy vacation appeals to write to the Secretary, Mrs. William Herbert (United Charities Building, New York), for the extremely interesting thirty-third annual report of the Working Girls' Vacation Society or to send contributions directly to the same address. A SOUTHERN PHILANTHROPIST We have received a pamphlet read at a meeting last March in Boston by Mr. Bolton Smith, of Memphis, Tennessee, which we wish might have a wide circulation. Coming from a man born in the North but long resident in the South, who is in sympathy with the intelligent Southern view of the race question, it presents by the principles it inculcates and the spirit it manifests a basis for a real agreement in both thought and feeling between the North and the South. The Northern and Southern positions are not antagonistic; they are not necessarily divergent. There is no incongruity between the Northern demand for justice to the Negro and the Southern demand for the preservation of the purity of the white race. We agree with Mr. Smith in his statement: I believe these are the two sides of one and the same shield-the blood of the race must be kept pure, but so must its ideals-the former without the latter is like the body without the soul." 66 He urges that the children of the Negro and the white races be educated in separate schools, but he also urges that the schools be as good for the one race as for the other. He cites as an illustration the public schools in Cincinnati. There is no separate school law in Ohio, and Negro children have the right to attend the public schools attended by white children. "There is, however, a school in a densely colored portion of Cincinnati which I am informed is attended by Negro children only. It is stated that the average marks of these colored children for scholarship are higher than those earned by the colored children attending the schools also attended by white children. Besides, it is found that a larger proportion remain in school through the higher classes than is the case with the other colored children." The secret of this fact may, however, well be that "the school to which I refer in Cincinnati has just as much money spent on it as the other schools of the city." He denies that the education of the Negro race will have any tendency to develop in that race a desire for social equality with the whites. The fact that a white man who should discover that he had Negro blood would wish to keep the secret and continue to associate with white people does not prove that a Negro |