was Charles S. Bird, a well-known manufacturer, who obtained second place in the result. The Republican candidate, who stood third, was Congressman Augustus Peabody Gard

ner.

The fourth in the list, as to the number of votes polled, was Governor Foss.

As might have been expected, Governor Foss's campaign was especially interesting because of his position with regard to a particular issue. This was the tariff-and not only the tariff in general, but the Underwood Tariff in particular. Although a supposedly Democratic Governor, Mr. Foss did not hesitate to say, as reported:

The present tariff has not opened foreign markets to our workmen, it has not reduced the cost of raw materials and the necessities of life. The net cost to the American consumer remains as it was before the tariff became law.

Tariffs have been used in the past to foster monopolies. The present tariff is used to foster our foreign competitors. Where does the American workman come in?

Mr. Gardner's comparatively small vote is explained in part by the Boston "Transcript" (Rep.) on the ground of his refusal to retract any pledge made in the contest for the primaries. One of those pledges was with regard to anti-immigration, and this naturally told heavily against Mr. Gardner in a State whose population is largely foreign.

Mr. Bird's vote indicates, according to the Boston "Journal" (Prog.), that the Progressive party in Massachusetts "has no occasion to hang crape upon its banners. It means that the Progressive movement is a permanent force, not a passing flash of resentment. It means that the temporary assumption of ' progressivism' to meet the exigencies of a campaign will not deceive the people. It means that the future belongs to the Party of To-morrow, not to the Party of Yesterday.'

Mr. Walsh, the successful candidate, elicits the following compliment from the same journal :

He has quietly, but energetically and skillfully, conducted his campaign. His speeches have been free from personalities. His appeals to the voters have been dignified and devoid of the arts of the spellbinder.

In a spectacular quadrilateral contest, which has so roused the interest of the electorate that the usual off-year declension in the vote did not occur, he has won in an open and honorable manner. The momentum of the Democratic National Administration helped him some, in spite of the scanty aid which came from Washington.

The Democratic party in Massachusetts, for the first time in more than half a century,

will now find itself in control of all the State

departments. The Boston "Transcript" (Rep.) thus explains :

A Democratic Governor will be surrounded by a Democratic Lieutenant-Governor and Democrats as Secretary of the Commonwealth, Treasurer, Auditor, and Attorney-General. This solidarity of Democratic control will be a temptation to enter upon a policy of mingled radicalism and reaction against which Governor Walsh must exert all his influence if he is to live up to his pledge to be chief magistrate not of his party but of all the people of the Commonwealth, who, without regard to party affiliations, are disposed to give him a fair trial.

NEW JERSEY

The campaign in New Jersey was of National interest because it is the President's own State, and because therefore it was expected that, if anywhere, the President's policies would be approved in that State; if disapproved, the blow to the Administration would be all the greater. Hence the success of James F. Fielder, who has been Acting Governor since Mr. Wilson became President, is due to this as the first reason, says the New York "Tribune " (Rep.). The paper gives three reasons for Mr. Fielder's victory :

One is that Jersey men were proud to have a man from their State in the Presidency, and were therefore inclined to support his Administration at the polls and to elect his chosen candidate.

Another is that many Progressives, especially the partisans of Mr. Record in Hudson County, were more intent upon defeating the Republican candidate than upon electing their own, and therefore voted for Mr. Fielder as the surest way to defeat Mr. Stokes. A vote for Mr. Colby would have been only a half-vote against Mr. Stokes, while one for Mr. Fielder was a whole one.

The third is that in New Jersey the Democratic party, under Mr. Wilson and his successor, has been a party of progress and enlightenment. It has taken up some of the reforms which were proposed and begun by the last two Republican administrations, and with the cordial aid of the Republicans in the Legislature has advanced them toward completion.

In these circumstances a Democratic victory, though by a greatly decreased margin, was not surprising.

Naturally, most Democratic papers have made much of the victory in New Jersey. So do many independent papers-the Springfield" Republican," for instance. It says: "It was unmistakably the general popular loyalty to Mr. Wilson that enabled the Democratic candidate to win by some thirty thousand plurality, in spite of the heavy defection of machine Democrats in Essex County."

Mr. Fielder's of ponents were ex-Governor

Stokes for the Republicans and the Hon. Everett Colby for the Progressives. The Springfield paper notes that, whereas in Massachusetts Mr. Bird, a Progressive, ran second and Mr. Gardner, a Republican, third, in New Jersey the Republican ran second and the Progressive third, and thus comments on this apparent paradox:

If a Progressive points to Mr. Bird's remarkable run in Massachusetts to prove that the Progressives are coming instead of going, a Republican can point to the quite as remarkable run of Mr. Stokes in New Jersey prove the contrary.. The country must await the Congressional and State elections in the fail of next year for more decisive developments.

to

The election in Virginia has called forth hardly any newspaper comment, as was natural when we remember that the Democratic State ticket had opposition from only the Socialist and the Socialist-Labor parties, with their estimated total of three thousand votes in the State. Although not more than half of the regular Democratic vote was brought out, the Democratic candidate for Governor, Henry C. Steward, was overwhelmingly overwhelmingly elected. A despatch from Richmond to the New York "Times" (Ind. Dem.) says that the failure of the Republicans to enter a State ticket was due to the increasing Progressive sentiment among the Republicans of the State. "Had the Republicans named a ticket in opposition to the Democrats, the Progressives would also have come into the fight; and if the Progressives had received a larger total vote in the State than the old line Republicans, the Progressives would have come into greater power in the Commonwealth through the authority given to them to assist in the selection of the election machinery." The Charlottesville, Virginia, Progress" (Dem.) says:

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It is good to be a Democrat in these piping days of great policies. The people have their victories far more renowned than those of the

bosses. Victory in 1910, victory supreme in 1912, and victory as a matter of habit in 1913!

MARYLAND

The Maryland Senatorial election was of importance, says the Baltimore "News" (Prog.), because "the Democratic organization has actually been behaving itself, and thereby giving the independents of the party little cause for revolt." The paper adds:

Maryland is essentially a Democratic State. Undivided the party is practically invincible here. The organization has divided it again and again, and thereby furnished exciting campaighs. That this campaign has been a slow one is probably as strong a testimonial to the influence of the President as he could well receive thus early in his term.

MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS

Of the various municipal elections, aside from that in New York City, perhaps the most important was that in Philadelphia. In contrast to the victory for good government in New York City, the result in Philadelphia was, according to most newspaper authorities, disheartening. The Washington "Herald" (Ind.) says:

The same influences which were annihilated in New York triumphed in Philadelphia, despite the almost united opposition of press and advocates of good government.

Backed by the Oliver-Penrose State machine, the Vare-McNichol gang swept into power on the Republican ticket, defeating overwhelmingly the good government forces behind the Fusion ticket.

Thus is repudiated the hard-won victory of two years ago, when Mayor Blankenburg was returned to power on a reform ticket in the hope that subsequent elections would record progress and ultimately give him a set of clean, graftless civic machinery. Blankenburg continues in office, but the Vare brothers, who can out-Murphy Charley himself on occasion, continue in control of the councils, the city treasury, and other offices.

The Philadelphia "Public Ledger " (Rep.) thus comments:

The result as thus foreshadowed is a keen disappointment to all who have labored for the reform cause, for good government, and to strengthen the Blankenburg administration, but the fight has just begun.... The plain fact is that at the time this election was held "more voters were interested in having bad government than in getting good government.' people of Philadelphia showed by their act and non-action that, either from partisan prejudices or what they deemed to be their self-interest, they deliberately chose the evil path and fol lowed it.

The

The people of Philadelphia did this because their civic patriotism was either deficient or had not been quickened.