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DR. WALLACE AND SPIRIT. struggle for existence, nor that the spiritual

forces in man have been developed by a UALISM


purely selfish instinct for self-preservation. The very interesting article on Alfred Rus- Henry Drummond has shown very clearly in sel Wallace, printed on another page, The his “ Ascent of Man" that the struggle for Outlook here accompanies with three state- others has played as important a part in the ments of what it regards as fundamental development of man as the struggle for self. truths which are either not recognized or Neither of these two struggles can be left impliedly denied by the opinions of Mr. Wal- out of account by any one who is endeavorlace as reported by Mr. Northrop.

ing to understand the problem of life. And 1. Investigations have demonstrated be- Henry Drummond has also shown that the yond all question that many of the phe- struggle for others and the struggle for nomena regarded by the spiritists as pro- self, working together, at least help to acduced by unseen visitants from the invisible count for the development of man from a world have been the product of deliberate lower animal progenitor. and vulgar frauds. Neither the philosopher If, therefore, by Spiritualism is meant the nor the scientist is exceptionally prepared to belief that disembodied spirits communicate investigate frauds. They should be investi- with the living through persons called medigated by a detective familiar with the tricks ums, then The Outlook absolutely dissents and devices of a certain class of criminals. from the statement attributed by Mr. NorthThe opinion of Mr. Wallace or of Professor rop to Alfred Russel Wallace, “ The religion James on the question whether such phe- of the future will be based solely on Spiritualnomena as table-tipping, slate-writing, and


ism." rappings are due to spirits or to fraud is If, however, by Spiritualism Dr. Wallace not particularly more valuable than the opin- meant the belief that man has a spiritual ions of other clear-minded, intelligent, and nature and is therefore higher than the aniacute observers. These frauds must be mals, then we absolutely agree with that eliminated before the verdict of the philoso- statement. The religion of the future will be pher or the scientist is of exceptional value based on the conscious possession by man of upon what remains.

a spiritual nature which he is bound to use 2. We agree absolutely with Mr. Wallace in conformity with the laws of the spiritual that man is more than an animal, that he has nature. a spiritual nature which distinguishes him If future investigations should show that from the rest of the animal creation, that he man is able to hold communication with has specifically a perception of the invisible departed spirits, that fact would not add anyworld, a clear recognition of the distinction thing to his moral obligations, though it between right and wrong, a reasoning faculty might add a new incentive to him to fulfill which enables him to deduce general laws those moral obligations. We are not able to from observed phenomena, and a love not see that so far it has furnished any such independent of, yet superior to and master incentive to those who hold this Spiritualistic over, all the physicial sensations which accom- faith. If, on the other hand, future investi

But it does not follow that he gation should demonstrate that the so-called may not derive this spiritual nature by the Spiritualistic phenomena have no connection process of spiritual evolution from the in

with any invisible world, but are wholly due stincts and the passions of an earlier stage. to material forces, that demonstration would There is much reason to think that this is add nothing to lessen the obligation of man the case.

Whether it is the case or not is not to fulfill his moral obligations, and certainly a question of moral or religious importance. would not deprive men of the great motive However man derived his eyes, he is now which inspires them with the desire to fulfill bound to use them in accordance with the those obligations. Men did justly, loved moral law. So, however he derived his mercy, and walked humbly with God before faith, his conscience, his reverence, his love, modern Spiritualism was conceived of, and they are to be used by him, now that he pos- they will continue to do justly, love mercy, sesses them, in accordance with the spiritual and walk humbly with God if modern Spiritulaws of a spiritual being.

alistic phenomena should disappear entirely 3. The spiritual evolutionist by no means and the modern Spiritualist philosophy should believes that development is due only to the disappear with them.

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HE vast region south of our southern hibiting a President from succeeding himself,

border has practically always known and continued his own presidency, term after the rule of blood and iron.

term, until his resignation. Six hundred years ago the Aztecs, and Diaz was the most interesting representafour hundred years ago Cortés, and then other tive of blood and iron, because he well knew Spanish conquerors, ruled that way. The how to mask the fact. The result was that his subsequent Spanish viceroys ruled that way; thirty-odd-year period of presidential power even Iturbide, hailed as “the Liberator” and saw a change from the rule by fear to one priding himself on a bloodless revolution, which had largely the appeal of reasonablefound himself forced by rebellion in his own

He began as a practical dictator ; he ranks to resort to blood and iron once more. ended as apparently a constitutional Presi

When, in 1824, the Republic of Mexico dent. He was not. Schools, courts, the was definitely established, the blood-and-iron Legislature, the elections, were under his really rule was still followed. The new Constitu- autocratic power. He had a way either of tion was quickly disregarded. Though it conciliating his rivals and enemies or of putprovided for a presidential term of four ting them to one side ; but this was never years and no immediate re-election, there were done in the open if it could be avoided. He no less than nine changes of administration did this until almost the end with notable within the first ten years.

success, but when finally he was forced to lay Thus the first Presidents—Guadelupe, down his power, at the age of eighty-one, he

, Guerrero, Bustamente, Santa Anna, and the was broken in health, deserted by political rest—followed along in the old path of blood friends of many years' standing, and was and iron. Even the more enlightened Mira- assailed as the chief cause of the Madero mon had to use it. In the transformation revolution. of Mexico into an Empire the well-meaning What were the causes ? In the first place, Maximilian was forced to it. Maximilian Diaz had slighted the conditions of the lower was executed in 1867, and— Mexico now classes in his attempt to give the country again a Republic—the great Juarez died in economic prosperity—and it is undeniable that 1872 without having established a real con- he did much for the material prosperity of stitutional government, but only the semblance

the country

Most of the people of Mexico of that government resting on force. Then are worse than peasants. They are peonscame Lerdo, who at first had a seemingly half slaves. They have hardly any chance to greater sho of success. But the attempt

hold land of their own. Tore and more an to re elect him led to an outbreak of civil unrest had grown up in Mexico as a middle

class came more and more into being and as Then, in 1876, came Porfirio Diaz. In a few reformers found voice. This unrest some respects he was the greatest ruler demanded reforms in the land laws. SecMexico has ever had. With the

excep- ondly, it demanded the abolition of the arbition of the four years between 1880 and trary rule which had characterized many of 1884 he ruled Mexico continuously until the acts of the President. Thirdly, it dehis resignation in 1911. He had distin- manded the restoration of a single presidenguished himself in the battles with the French, tial term. Fourthly, it demanded fair elections. and did as much perhaps as any one to put At first the Madero revolution did not an end to Maximilian's pretensions. In 1874 attract attention because the President's milihe started the revolution against Lerdo, but tary power was supposed to be invincible. Litdid not succeed until 1876, when he was tle by little it developed that the Mexican army made Provisional President, quickly there- was an army strong only on paper; and from after becoming permanent President. When that time forth the success of the Maderists his first term expired, he helped to elect was assured. At the beginning of 1911 the Gonzales President. But after this presi- movement had attained sufficient proportions dential term, in which the country's credit to cause concern in this country, especially as suffered, Diaz was almost unanimously elected the seat of the revolution was just across our for the succeeding term. He now caused to border. Hence there was a special necessity be changed that constitutional provision pro- for our Government to insure neutrality

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to prevent our territory from being used as a could not—immediately bring about land recruiting place for the Mexican insurgents. reform. Many Mexicans had supposed that In addition to this President Taft and the laws would be immediately framed to help the War Department decided upon making a small man to become a landowner, and to demonstration on our southern border, to take away from a few rich men the control of show the Mexicans, other countries, and our the granting of privileges and concessions. own citizens that we were ready and able to These grants, under Diaz, had been made act promptly and effectively, if need be, in more for the benefit of private interests than the protection of foreign life and property in for public welfare. Mexico. Accordingly, our military maneuvers In the third place, Madero showed himtook place that year in Texas.

self merciful when he should have been Though an armistice was arranged between stern. He did not put down revolt, as Diaz the Mexican Government and the insurgents, would have done, with relentless immediatedestruction continued in widely separated

He thus brought upon Mexico a parts of the country. By this time the in- greater misfortune. surgents held a large number of towns, and Accordingly there were renewed disturbeven had a force within a few miles of the

In the north the insurgents against capital itself.

Madero were called Vasquistas because their The Government found itself so pressed leader was Vasquez Gomez. In the south that President Diaz issued a declaration of the insurgents were known as Zapatistas the Government's desire to make ample con- because they supported the claims of Zapata. cessions. As to the request of the Made- In the north the insurrection started with the rists, however, that he resign the presidency, mutiny of soldiers; in the south it grew out he replied, “ To allow the presidency of the of the union of bands of raiders and brigands. Republic to become the sport of the will and Madero, alarmed on the approach of the pleasure of more or less armed groups would northern rebels to Juarez, asked the United not certainly conduce to the restoration of States to forbid commercial intercourse with peace.”

that town so as to cut off the rebels' supplies. The armistice now ended, the Maderists This absurd request was promptly refused, attacked the town of Juarez. It fell, and although our Government was very friendly the circuinstances of its fall were tragic toward the Madero Government. Our Govenough even in El Paso, the Texan city across ernment also forbade the transmissal of arms the Rio Grande from Juarez, to call our to Mexico. The net result to Mexico was Government's attention to the necessity of that the country was in no greater state of security for life and property in our own peace than a twelvemonth before. territory.

From one end of the country to the other The Maderists continued their course with disorder prevailed. Naturally the large num

Finally President Diaz resigned. ber of Americans in Mexico, and also the large The former Mexican Minister at Washing. number of capitalists interested in Mexican ton, Francisco de la Barra, became Provis- industrial and transportation affairs, were imional President, and remained so for several patient to see an end put to the semi-anarchical months, until Madero was elected permanent conditions. In addition, those who had felt President. This election was probably the that Mexico might exist as a democracy if the fairest Mexico had yet had; but it was far rule of a Diaz were removed were also disfrom being fair in our sense of the word. appointed at the seeming failure of the

No sooner had Madero become President, democratic plan of government which had in November, 1911, than his troubles began. been substituted for a practical autocracy. It is true that he did not put down bandits Any progress made towards easing the conwith the firing squad, nor did he put people ditions of the peasants had not been properly in jail and class them as outlaws just because advertised, and the corresponding disgust on they had some idea as to the advantages they the part of the peasants boded little good to should have. But he did three things which President Madero. undermined his influence.

As might have been expected, aside from First, Madero put the members of his own the insurrectionists in the north and the family into high office ; under his brother south, the military element in the City of Gustavo the treasury was gradually emptied. Mexico was not oblivious to its opportunity.

In the second place, Madero did not—and Although the fighting strength of the Mexican



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army had been put at forty thousand and the The question arises : Are there really enough soldiers were supposed to be well equipped Mexicans who can be called constitutionalists with modern

and ammunition, the to secure self-government? Madero revolution showed that the President The pressure upon our own Government was unable to put more than twelve thousand to mediate or to intervene became continumen into the field, and even these were found ally greater. Huerta indignantly spurned to be inadequately clothed and were equipped any such suggestion, saying, as is reported : with defective ammunition. But there was I will accept neither mediation nor intervenenough left of the army to constitute a for- tion of any kind. ... On no account will I midable revolt under Generals Felix Diaz and make any compromise with the revolutionVictoriano Huerta. Madero was captured and aries. . . . We are strong enough to bring treacherously slain. This was in February, about peace at an early date.” 1913. Though many observers at the City But his Government was not strong enough of Mexico doubted the possibility of dis

and there has been no peace.

At the same proving the denials of Huerta of complicity time, Huerta has largely had his own way, in the killing of Madero, the feeling in first because of his own strong personality, this country was that the Provisional Presi- which seeks an end by the old-fashioned dent—for so Huerta had become—was not brutal methods; second, because many landto be trusted. At all events, the new Govern- owners have supported him as the only man ment rested on assassination and treachery. who stands between them and spoliation.

The new Government immediately met a The difficulty with the situation, however, is stout resistance in the north, where Governor that the time for the old blood-and-iron policy Carranza, of the State of Coahuila, took up as a permanently successful policy has passed the Maderist cause—the cause of constitu- away. tionalism—and declared that he would never With the recall of the American Ambassacompromise with Huerta. On the other dor it seemed desirable that a special effort hand, Huerta came to an agreement with should be made to persuade Huerta to agree the Vasquistas, hitherto the strongest force of to certain measures of reform. Accordingly, malcontents in the north.

the Hon. John Lind, ex-Governor of MinneWhile no approval of Huerta had been sota, was selected as the President's personal given by either President Taft or President representative and proceeded to Mexico, Wilson, Mr. Henry Lane Wilson, our Am- where he submitted the following proposals : bassador to Mexico, expressed his belief that

(a) An immediate cessation of fighting the provisional Mexican Government was

throughout Mexico, a definite armistice solemnly innocent of the charge that it had instigated entered into and scrupulously observed; the killing of Madero, and recommended our (6) Security given for an early and fre elecDepartment of State to recognize it as the

tion in which all agree to take part;

(c) The consent of General Huerta to bind most direct way in which to bring about

himself not to be a candidate for election as immediate security. Ambassador Wilson's

President of the Republic at this election; and recommendations were disregarded, and he (d) The agreement of all parties to abide by himself, some months later, was relieved of his the results of the election, and co-operate in the functions. Meanwhile the Second Division

most loyal way in organizing and supporting

the new Administration. of the United States Army had been massed

The Government of the United States will be in Texas under the command of General glad to play any part in this settlement or in its William H. Carter, who had commanded the carrying out which it can play honorably and mobilization of our forces in Texas the year

consistently with international right. It pledges

itself to recognize and in every way possible previous.

and proper to assist the administration chosen Governor Carranza now formed a govern- and set up in Mexico in the way and on the ment of his own. He declared that Huerta's conditions suggested. power would fall if the United States should These proposals were refused, the Mexican recognize belligerency and allow arms to be Secretary of the Interior, Señor Gamboa, sent from this country to the insurgents. declaring in behalf of the provisional GovernDoubtless Carranza represents the few really ment that they were humiliating, that the propolitically educated Mexicans. But the trouble visional Government was absolutely constituis that there is no Mexican people in the sense

tional, that it was in control of twenty-two in which there is an American people. There out of twenty-seven Mexican States, that its has been no training for self-government. eighty thousand men (a wholly exaggerated

number) in the field could take care of the rebellion, and that Huerta should not be asked to pledge himself not to be a candidate at the forthcoming elections. Moreover, the Minister asked that we withhold arms from the rebels and maintain strict neutrality.

Despite this, President Wilson's opposition continued the same; he held that the Huerta government was not a de jure government because it was initiated by crime and founded on crime, and that it was not a de facto government because it had not the power to perform the most elemental functions of government. Accordingly, as intervention by one nation in the domestic affairs of another should never be undertaken if it can be avoided, and because in this particular case intervention might arouse against us the hostility of all Latin America, there remained to our Government the policy of “isolation." This was to refuse moral support to an immoral and incompetent government, to prevent the shipment from the United States of munitions of war to any of the Mexican factions, and to advise Americans to leave Mexico because the country was in a condition of anarchy, with no government able to assume governmental functions.

In September President Wilson appeared before Congress and read a Message declaring particularly that what our Government has done and should seek to do is “in fulfillment of its obligation to Mexico herself as a friend and neighbor, and to the American citizens whose lives and vital interests are daily affected by the distressing conditions which now obtain beyond oursouthern border.”

This is all very well so far as we are concerned. But how about the rest of the world ? Twenty-six other nations have recognized the Huerta government. This gave a sharpness to Huerta's intimation that our battle-ships would not be welcome in Mexican waters after the expiration of the six months' permission to remain there. Of course this was a defiance of the right of any government to exercise its privilege of sending warships wherever it might seem that its citizens needed protection.

But a more remarkable defiance occurred in October, when Huerta's soldiers seized over a hundred Deputies of the Mexican Congress and threw them into prison, simply because the Deputies had passed a resolution warning Huerta that if he did not give them protection against personal injury they would adjourn to another city and hold their legis

lative sessions there. Now Huerta's real purpose was doubtless not so much anger at this proceeding as because he wanted to prevent any interference by Congress with his mastery over the forthcoming elections, and Congress had already questioned the constitutionality of those elections.

The Mexican Constitution declares that the elections shall take place only in the time of peace. Perhaps Huerta concluded that his Minister's declaration of a supposed control of twenty-two out of twenty-seven provinces constituted enough peace for the election. But if he thus indirectly disregarded the Constitution, his action in imprisoning the Deputies directly disregarded it, for its first article guarantees the liberty of Deputies and Senators.

Under these circumstances the world was not surprised at the following message from President Wilson.

The President is shocked at the lawless methods employed by General Huerta, and as a sincere friend of Mexico is deeply distressed at the situation which has arisen. . The President believes that an election held at this time, and under conditions as they now exist, would have none of that sanctity with which the law surrounds the ballot, and that its result, therefore, could not be regarded as representing the will of the people. The President would not feel justified in accepting the result of such an election or in recognizing the President so chosen.

The elections took place. As was anticipated, the political state of the country had become more and more confused, and on the day of the election it was seen that the various candidates for the presidency-Gamboa, Felix Diaz, and Calero—were sinking into insignificance in the Mexican mind compared with the fact that the old Aztec blood-andiron policy, which had so long infamously ruled Mexico to the death of all hope of government with the consent of the governed, was now again enthroned in Huerta. A new dictator had arisen.

As every one knows, the Mexican elections have always been shams. The people at the polls choose electors, one each for every small district. These electors meet in the country towns and vote. The electoral college may cast as many as twenty thousand votes. Of course the enormous extent of illiteracy and political passivity gives the national administration and the provincial officials abundant opportunity of influencing the result. For instance, the ranzists gave out what purports to be a translation of secret instructions

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