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From a painting by Theobald Chartran as I would like to, these men.

For many

efficiency of our navy conditioned our Nayears Senator Lodge had been my close per- tional efficiency in foreign affairs. Anything sonal and political friend, with whom I dis- relating to our international relations, from cussed all public questions that arose, usually Panama and the navy to the Alaskan bound, with agreement; and our intimately close ary question, the Algeciras negotiations, or relations were of course unchanged by my the peace of Portsmouth, I was certain to disentry into the White House. He was of all cuss with Senator Lodge and also with cer

tain other members of Congress, such as our public men the man who had made the closest and wisest study of our foreign rela- Senator Turner, of Washington, and Repretions, and more clearly than almost any other sentative Hitt, of Illinois. Anything relating man he understood the vital fact that the

to labor legislation and to measures for control




as I

one of



ling big business or efficiently regulating the reminded me a little of Artemus Ward's view giant railway systems I was certain to dis- of the Tower of London—“If I like it, I'll cuss with Senator Dolliver or Congressman buy it." There was a big governmental job Hepburn or Congressman Cooper. With in which this leader was much interested, and men like Senator Beveridge, Congressman in reference to which he always wished me (afterwards Senator) Dixon, and Congressman to consult a man whom he trusted, whom I Murdock I was apt to discuss pretty nearly will call Pitt Rodney. One day I answered everything relating to either our internal or him, “The trouble with Rodney is that he external affairs. There were many,

mis-estimates his relations to cosmos ;' to many others. Senator Clark, of Arkansas, which he responded, “Cosmos—Cosmos ? was as fearless and high-minded a representa- Never heard of him. You stick to Rodney. tive of the people of the United States He's your man!" ever dealt with.

He was the men who combined loyalty to his own State with an equally keen loyalty to the Outside of the public servants there people of all the United States.

He was

multitudes of



newspaper politically opposed to me; but when the offices, in magazine offices, in business or interests of the country were at stake, he was the professions or on farm or in shops, who incapable of considering party differences; actively supported the policies for which I and this was especially his attitude in inter- stood and did work of genuine leadership national matters—including certain treaties which was quite as effective as any work which most of his party colleagues, with nar- done by men in public office. Without the row lack of patriotism, and complete subordi- active support of these men I would have riation of National to factional interest, op- been powerless. In particular, the leading posed. I have never anywhere met finer, more newspaper correspondents at Washington faithful, more disinterested, and more loyal were as a whole a singularly able, trustworthy, public servants than Senator 0. H. Platt, a and public-spirited body of men, and the Republican, from Connecticut, and Senator most useful of all agents in the fight for Cockrell, a Democrat, from Missouri. They efficient and decent government. were already old men when I came to the Presidency; and doubtless there were points on which I seemed to them to be extreme and As for the men under me in executive radical ; but eventually they found that our office, I could not overstate the debt of motives and beliefs were the same, and they did gratitude I owe them. From the heads of all in their power to help any movement that the departments, the Cabinet officers, down, was for the interest of our people as a whole. the most striking feature of the AdminI had met them when I was Civil Service istration was the devoted, zealous, and effiCommissioner and Assistant Secretary of the

cient work that was done as

as it Navy. All I ever had to do with either was became understood that the one bond of to convince him that a given measure I interest among all of us was the desire to championed was right, and he then at once make the Government the most effective did all he could to have it put into effect. instrument in advancing the interests of If I could not convince them, why! that was the people as a whole, the interests of the my fault, or my misfortune; but if I could

average men and women of the United convince them, I never had to think again as to States and of their children. I do not think whether they would or would not support me. I overstate the

case when I


that most of the men who did the best work

under me felt that ours was a partnership, "IF I LIKE IT, I'LL BUY IT”

that we all stood on the same level of purThere were many other men of mark pose and service, and that it mattered not in both houses with whom I could work on what position any one of us held so long as some points, whereas on others we had to in that position he gave the very best that dilfer. There was one powerful leader—a

was in him. burly, forceful man, of admirable traits—who had, however, been trained in the post-bellum THE TENNIS CABINET, AND OTHERS school of business and politics, so that his We worked very hard; but I made attitude towards life, quite unconsciously, a point of getting a couple of hours off



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each day for equally vigorous play. The merely inadequate, but indecently so. There
men with whom I then played, whom we is not one of them who is not constantly
laughingly grew to call the "Tennis Cabinet," assailed by offers of positions in the world of
have been mentioned in a previous chapter commerce, finance, and the law that would
in connection with the gift they gave me satisfy every material ambition with which he
at the last breakfast which they took began life. There is not one of them who
at the White House. There were many could not, if he chose, earn outside Washing-
others in the public service under me with ton from ten to twenty times the income on
whom I happened not to play, but who did which he economizes as a state official. But
their share of our common work just as these men are as indifferent to money and to
effectively as it was done by us who did play. the power that money brings as to the allure-
Of course nothing could have been done in ments of Newport and New York, or to
my Administration if it had not been for the merely personal distinctions, or to the com-
zeal, intelligence, masterful ability, and down- mercialized ideals which the great bulk of
right hard labor of these men in countless posi- their fellow-countrymen accept without ques.
tions under me. I was helpless to do anything tion. They are content, and more than
except as my thoughts and orders were trans- content, to sink themselves in the National
lated into action by them; and, moreover, service without a thought of private advance-
each of them, as he grew specially fit for his ment, and often at a heavy sacrifice of worldly
job, used to suggest to me the right thought honors, and to toil on sustained by their
to have, and the right order to give, concern- own native impulse to make of patriotism an
ing that job. It is of course hard for me to efficient instrument of public betterment.”
speak with cold and dispassionate partiality
of these men, who were as close to me as
were the men of my regiment. But the out- The American public rarely appreciates the
side observers best fitted to pass judgment high quality of the work done by some of
about them felt as I did.

our diplomats—work, usually entirely un

noticed and unrewarded, which redounds to PRAISE FROM MR. BRYCE

the interest and the honor of all of us. The At the end of my Administration Mr. Bryce, most useful man in the entire diplomatic the British Ambassador, told me that in a long service, during my Presidency, and for many life, during which he had studied intimately the years before, was Henry White ; and I say government of many different countries, he this having in mind the high quality of work had never in any country seen a more eager, done by such admirable Anibassadors and high-minded, and efficient set of public serv- Ministers as Bacon, Meyer, Straus, O'Brien, ants, men more useful and more creditable Rockhill, and Egan, to name only a few among to their country, than the men then doing many. When I left the Presidency, White the work of the American Government in was Ambassador to France ; shortly afterWashington and in the field. I repeat this wards he was removed by Mr. Taft, for reastatement with the permission of Mr. Bryce. sons unconnected with the good of the service.

At about the same time, or a little before, in the spring of 1908, there appeared in the

BROADENING THE USE OF EXECUTIVE POWER English “ Fortnightly Review " an article, The most important factor in getting the evidently by a competent eye-witness, setting right spirit in my Administration, next to the forth more in detail the same views to which insistence upon courage, honesty, and a genthe British Ambassador thus privately gave uine democracy of desire to serve the plain expression. It was in part as follows: people, was my insistence upon the theory

“Mr. Roosevelt has gathered around him that the executive power was limited only by a body of public servants who are nowhere specific restrictions and prohibitions appearsurpassed, I question whether they are any- ing in the Constitution or imposed by the where equaled, for efficiency, self-sacrifice, Congress under its Constitutional powers. and an absolute devotion to their country's My view was that every executive officer, interests. Many of them are poor men, and above all every executive officer in high without private means, who have voluntarily position, was a steward of the people bound abandoned high professional ambitions and actively and affirmatively to do all he could turned their backs on the rewards of business for the people, and not to content himself to serve their country on salaries that are not with the negative merit of keeping his talents tive power.



undamaged in a napkin. I declined to adopt that in practice this consultation was with the view that what was imperatively neces- individual Senators and even with big politisary for the Nation could not be done by the cians who stood behind the Senators. I President unless he could find some specific was only one-half the appointing power ; authorization to do it. My belief was that I nominated ; but the Senate confirmed. it was not only his right but his duty to do In practice, by what was called “ the couranything that the needs of the Nation de- tesy of the Senate,” the Senate normally manded unless such action was forbidden by refused to confirm any appointment if the the Constitution or by the laws. Under this Senator from the State objected to it. In exinterpretation of executive power I did and ceptional cases, where I could arouse public caused to be done many things not pre- attention, I could force through the appointviously done by the President and the heads ment in spite of the opposition of the Senof the departments. I did not usurp power, ators; in all ordinary cases this was imposbut I did greatly broaden the use of execu- sible. On the other hand, the Senator could

In other words, I acted for the of course do nothing for any man unless I public welfare, I acted for the common well- chose to nominate him. In consequence the being of all our people, whenever and in Constitution itself forced the President and whatever manner was necessary, unless pre- the Senators from each State to come to a vented by direct constitutional or legislative working agreement on the appointments in prohibition.

and from that State.

My course was to insist on absolute fitness, NOT FORM BUT SUBSTANCE

including honesty, as a prerequisite to every I did not a rap for the mere appointment; and to remove only for good form and show of power; I cared in- cause, and, where there was such cause, to mensely for the use that could be made of refuse even to discuss with the Senator in the substance. The Senate at one time interest the unfit servant’s retention. Subobjected to my communicating with them in ject to these considerations, I normally printing, preferring the expensive, foolish, and accepted each Senator's recommendations for laborious practice of writing out the messages

offices of a routine kind, such as most postby hand. It was not possible to return to offices and the like, but insisted on myself the outworn archaism of hand-writing ; but we choosing the men for the more important endeavored to have the printing made as positions. I was willing to take any good pretty as possible. Whether I communi- man for postmaster; but in the case of cated with the Congress in writing or by a Judge or District Attorney or Canal word of mouth, and whether the writing Commissioner or Ambassador, I was apt to was by a machine or a pen, were equally, insist either on a given man or else on any and absolutely, unimportant matters. The man with a given class of qualifications. If importance lay in what I said and in the heed the Senator deceived me, I took care that he paid to what I said. So as to my meeting had no opportunity to repeat the deception. and consulting Senators, Congressmen, politicians, financiers, and labor men. I consulted

TWO CASES IN POINT all who wished to see me; and if I wished I can perhaps best illustrate my theory of to see any one, I sent for him; and where action by two specific examples. In New the consultation took place was a matter of York Governor Odell and Senator Platt supreme unimportance. I consulted every sometimes worked in agreement and someman with the sincere hope that I could profit times were at swords' points, and both wished by and follow his advice ; I consulted every

to be consulted. To a friendly Congressman, member of Congress who wished to be con- who was also their friend, I wrote as follows sulted, hoping to be able to come to an agree- on July 22, 1903 : ment of action with him ; and I always finally I want to work with Platt. I want to acted as my conscience and common sense work with Odell. I want to support both bade me act.

and take the advice of both. But of course

ultimately I must be the judge as to acting ABOUT APPOINTMINTS

on the advice given. When, as in the case About appointments I was obliged by the of the judgeship, I am convinced that the Constitution to consult the Senate; and the advice of both is wrong, I shall act as I did long-established custom of the Senate meant when I appointed Holt. When I can find a





friend of Odell's like Cooley who is thoroughly letters as therein quoted tend to show that fit for the position I desire to fill, it gives me you recommended for the position of District the greatest pleasure to appoint him. When Attorney B when you had good reason to Platt proposes to me a man like Hamilton believe that he had himself been guilty of Fish, it is equally a pleasure to appoint him.” fraudulent conduct ; that you

recommended This was written in connection with events C for the same position simply because it which led up to my refusing to accept Sena- was for B's interest that he should be so tor Platt's or Governor Odell's suggestions recommended, and, as there is reason to as to a Federal Judgeship and a Federal Dis- believe, because he had agreed to divide the trict Attorneyship, and insisting on the ap- fees with B if he were appointed; and that pointment first of Judge Hough and later you finally recommended the reappointment of District Attorney Stimson ; because in of H with the knowledge that if H were apeach case I felt that the work to be done was pointed he would abstain from prosecuting of so high an or

Bfor criminal misder that I could

conduct, this benot take an ordi

ing why B advonary man.

cated H's claims The other case

for reappointwas that of Sen

ment. If you care ator Fulton, of

to make any stateOregon. Through

ment in the matFrancis Heney I

ter, I shall of was prosecuting

course be glad to who

hear it. As the implicated in

District Judge of vast network of

Oregon I shall apconspiracy against

point Judge Wolthe law in connec

verton." In the tion with the theft

letter I of course of public land in

gave in full the Oregon. I had

names indicated been acting on

above by initials. Senator Fulton's

Senator Fulton recommendations

gave no explanafor office, in the

tion. I therefore usual manner.

ceased to consult Heney had been

him insisting that Ful

Cartoon by A. Lovey

pointments under ton was in league "There was one cartoon made while I was President, in which I appeared the Department with the men we

incidentally, that was always a great favorite of mine. It pictured an old
fellow with chin-whiskers, a farmer, in his shirt-sleeves, with his boots of Justice and the

off, sitting before the fire, reading the President's Message were prosecuting,

Interior, the two and that he had recommended unfit men. Ful- departments in which the crookedness had ton had been protesting against my following occurred—there was no question of crookedHeney's advice, particularly as regards ap- ness in the other offices in the State, and pointing Judge Wolverton as United States they could be handled in the ordinary manner. Judge. Finally Heney laid before me a report Legal proceedings were undertaken against which convinced me of the truth of his state- his colleague in the Senate, and one of ments. I then wrote to Fulton as follows, on his colleagues in the lower house, and the November 20, 1905 : “My dear Senator Ful- former was convicted and sentenced to the ton: I inclose you herewith a copy of the re- penitentiary. port made to me by Mr. Heney. I have seen the originals of the letters from you and Senator Mitchell quoted therein. I do not at In a number of instances the legality of this time desire to discuss the report itself, executive acts of my Administration was which of course I must submit to the Attor- brought before the courts. They were uniney-General. But I have been obliged to formly sustained. For example, prior to 1907 reach the painful conclusion that your own statutes relating to the disposition of coal





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