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something. The head of one big business In internal affairs I cannot say that I
corporation attempted to start an effort to entered the Presidency with any deliberately
control the delegations from New Jersey,
States planned and far-reaching scheme of social
North Carolina, and certain Gulf betterment. I had, however, certain strong
against me. The head of a great railway convictions; and I was on the lookout for
system made preparations for a more ambievery opportunity of realizing those convic
tious effort looking towards the control of tions. I was bent upon making the Govern
the delegations from Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, ment the most efficient possible instrument in
Colorado, and California against me. He was helping the people of the United States to
a very powerful man financially, but his power better themselves in every way, politically, politically was much more limited, and he did socially, and industrially. I believed with all not really understand his own limitations or my heart in real and thoroughgoing democ
the situation itself, whereas I did. He could racy, and I wished to make this democracy
not have secured a delegate against me from industrial as well as political, although I had
Iowa, Nebraska, or Kansas. In Colorado only partially formulated the methods I believed
and California he could have made a fight, we should follow. I believed in the people's
but even there I think he would have been rights, and therefore in National rights and completely beaten. However, long before
, States' rights just exactly to the degree in
the time for the Convention came round, it which they severally secured popular rights.
was recognized that it was hopeless to make I believed in invoking the National power
any opposition to my nomination. The effort with absolute freedom for every National
was abandoned, and I was nominated unanineed; and I believed that the Constitution
mously. Judge Parker was nominated by the should be treated as the greatest document
Democrats against me. Practically all the ever devised by the wit of man to aid a
metropolitan newspapers of largest circulation people in exercising every power necessary
were against me; in New York City fifteen for its own betterment, and not as a strait
out of every sixteen copies of papers issued jacket cunningly fashioned to strangle
were hostile to me. I won by a popular growth. As for the particular methods majority of about two million and a half, and
a of realizing these various beliefs, I was con
in the electoral college carried 330 votes tent to wait and see what method might
against 136. It was by far the largest popular be necessary in each given case as it arose ;
majority ever hitherto given any Presidential and I was certain that the cases would arise
candidate. fast enough.
TIIE THIRD TERM QUESTION
My opponents during the campaign had As the time for the Presidential nomination laid much stress upon my supposed personal of 1904 drew near, it became evident that I ambition and intention to use the office of was strong with the rank and file of the party, President to perpetuate myself in power. I but that there was much opposition to me did not say anything on the subject prior to among many of the big political leaders, and the election, as I did not wish to say anything especially among many of the Wall Street that could be construed into a promise offered
A group of these men met in confer- as a consideration in order to secure votes. ence to organize this opposition. It was to But on election night, after the returns were in, be done with complete secrecy.
But such I issued the following statement: “ The wise secrets are very hard to keep. I speedily custom which limits the President to two knew all about it, and took my measures terms regards the substance and not the form, accordingly. The big men in question, who and under no circumstances will I be a canpossessed much power so long as they could didate for or accept another nomination.” work under cover, or so long as they were The reason for my choice of the exact merely throwing their weight one way or the phraseology used was twofold. In the first other between forces fairly evenly balanced, place, many of my supporters were insisting were quite helpless when fighting in the open that, as I had served only three and a half by themselves. I never found out that any- years of my first term, coming in from the thing practical was even attempted by most Vice-Presidency when President McKinley of the men who took part in the conference. was killed, I had really had only one elective Three or four of them, however, did attempt term, so that the third term custom did not
apply to me; and I wished to repudiate this that I accept another nomination, and the suggestion. I believed then (and I believe reasonable certainty that the nomination now) the third term custom or tradition to would be ratified at the polls, I felt that the be wholesome, and, therefore, I was deter- substance of the custom applied to ine in mined to regard its substance, refusing to 1908. On the other hand, it had no appliquibble over the words usually employed to cation whatever to any human being save express it. On the other hand, I did not wish where it was invoked in the case of a man simply and specifically to say that I would desiring a third consecutive term. not be a candidate for the nomination in 1908, Having given such substantial proof of because if I had specified the year when I my own regard for the custom, I deem would not be a candidate, it would have been it a duty to add this comment on it. I widely accepted as meaning that I intended believe that it is well to have a custom to be a candidate some other year ; and I had of this kind, to be generally observed, but no such intention, and had no idea that I that it would be very unwise to have it would ever be a candidate again. Certain definitely hardened into a Constitutional pronewspaper men did ask me if I intended hibition. It is not desirable ordinarily that a to apply my prohibition to 1912, and I man should stay in office twelve consecutive answered that I was not thinking of 1912, years as President; but most certainly the nor of 1920, nor of 1940, and that I must American people are fit to take care of themdecline to say anything whatever except what selves, and stand in no need of an irrevocable appeared in my statement.
self-denying ordinance. They should not The Presidency is a great office, and the bind themselves never to take action which power of the President can be effectively used under some quite conceivable circumstances to secure a renomination, especially if the it might be to their great interest to take. It President has the support of certain great is obviously of the last importance to the political and financial interests. It is for this safety of a democracy that in time of real reason, and this reason alone, that the whole- peril it should be able to command the servsome principle of continuing in office, so long ice of every one among its citizens in the as he is willing to serve, an incumbent who has precise position where the service rendered proved capable, is not applicable to the Presi- will be most valuable. It would be a bedency. Therefore the American people have nighted policy in such event to disqualify wisely establisheda custom against allowing any absolutely from the highest office a man who man to hold that office for more than two con- while holding it had actually shown the highsecutive terms. But every shred of power which est capacity to exercise its powers with the a President exercises while in office vanishes utmost effect for the public defense. If, absolutely when he has once left office. An for instance, a tremendous crisis occurred at ex-President stands precisely in the position of the end of the second term of a man like any other private citizen, and has not one parti- Lincoln, as such a crisis occurred at the end cle more power to secure a nomination or elec- of his first term, it would be a veritable tion than if he had never held the office at all calamity if the American people were forbidindeed, he probably has less because of the den to continue to use the services of the one very fact that he has held the office. Therefore man whom they knew, and did not merely the reasoning on which the anti-third term cus- guess, could carry them through the crisis. tom is based has no application whatever to The third term tradition has no value whatan ex-President, and no application whatever ever except as it applies to a third consecuto anything except consecutive terms.
tive term. While it is well to keep it as a barrier of precaution against more than two con- custom, it would be a mark both of weakness secutive terms the custom embodies a valuable and unwisdom for the American people to principle. Applied in any other way it becomes embody it into a Constitutional provision a mere formula, and, like all formulas, a poten- which could not do them good and or some tial source of mischievous confusion. Having given occasion might work real harm. this in mind, I regarded the custom as applying practically, if not just as much, to a Presi
A FAVORITE CARTOON dent who had been seven and a half years in There was
one cartoon made while I office as to one who had been eight years in was President, in which I appeared inoffice, and therefore, in the teeth of a prac- cidentally, that was always a great favorite tically unanimous demand from my own party of mine. It pictured an old fellow with
chin whiskers, a farmer, in his shirt-sleeves, with his boots off, sitting before the fire, reading the President's Message. On his feet were stockings of the kind I have seen hung up by the dozen in Joe Ferris's store at Medora, in the days when I used to come in to town and sleep in one of the rooms over the store. The title of the picture was “ His Favorite Author."
This was the old fellow whom I always used to keep in my mind. He had probably been in the Civil War in his youth; he had worked hard ever since he left the army; he had been a good husband and father; he had brought up his boys and girls to work; he did not wish to do injustice to any one else, but he wanted justice done to himself and to others like him; and I was bound to secure that justice for him if it lay in my power to do so."
"I believe I realized fairly well this ambition. I shall turn to my enemies to attest the truth of this statement. The New York “Sun," shortly before the National Convention of 1904. spoke of me as follows:
“ President Roosevelt holds that his nomination by the National Republican Convention of 1904 is an assured thing. He makes no concealment of his conviction, and it is unreservedly shared by his friends. We think President Roosevelt is right.
* There are strong and convincing reasons why the President should feel that success is within his grasp. He has used the opportunities that he found or created, and he has used them with consummate skill and undeniable
“ The President has disarmed all his enemies. Every weapon they had, new or old, has been taken from them and added to the now unassailable Roosevelt arsenal. Why should people wonder that Mr. Bryan clings to sil. ver? Has not Mr. Roosevelt absorbed and sequestered every vestige of the Kansas City platform that had a shred of practical value? Suppose that Mr. Bryan had been elected President. What could he have accomplished compared with what Mr. Roosevelt has accomplished ? Will his most passionate followers pretend for one moment that Mr. Bryan could have conceived, much less enforced, any such pursuit of the trusts as that which Mr. Roosevelt has just brought to a triumphant issue? Will Mr. Bryan himself intimate that the Federal courts would have turned to his projects the friendly countenance which they have lent to those of Mr. Roosevelt ?
Where is ‘government by injunction 'gone to? The very emptiness of that once potent phrase is beyond description! A regiment of Bryans could not compete with Mr. Roosevelt in harrying the trusts, in bringing wealth to its knees, and in converting into the palpable actualities of action the wildest dreams of Bryan's campaign orators. He has outdone them all.
" And how utterly the President has routed the pretensions of Bryan and of the whole Democratic horde in respect to organized labor! How empty were all their professions, their mouthings and their howlings in the face of the simple and unpretentious achievements of the President!' In his own straightforward fashion he inflicted upon capital in one short hour of the coal strike a greater humiliation than Bryan could have visited upon it in a century. He is the leader of the labor unions of the United States. Mr. Roosevelt has put them above the law and above the Constitution, because for him they are the American people.”,[This last, I need hardly say, is merely a rhetorical method of saying that I gave the labor union precisely the same treatment as the corporation.)
Senator La Follette, in the issue of his magazine immediately following my leaving the Presidency in March, 1909, wrote as follows:
Roosevelt steps from the stage gracefully. He has ruled his party to a large extent against its will. He has played a large part in the world's work for the past seven years. The activities of his remarkably forceful personality have been so manifold that it will be long before his true rating will be fixed in the opinion of the race. He is said to think that the three great things done by him are the undertaking of the construction of the Panama Canal and its rapid and successful carrying forward, the making of peace between Russia and Japan, and the sending around the world of the fleet.
“ These are important things, but many will be slow to think them his greatest ser vices. The Panama Canal will surely serve mankind when in operation; and the manner of organizing this work seems to be fine. But no one can yet say whether this project will be a gigantic success or a gigantic failure; and the task is one which must, in the nature of things, have been undertaken and carried through some time soon, as historic periods go, anyhow. The Peace of Portsmouth was a great thing to be responsible for, and Roosevelt's good offices undoubtedly saved a great and bloody battle in Manchuria. But the war was fought out, and the parties ready to son to think that it was only when it, and there is rea
situation was arrived at that the good offices of the President of the United States were, more or less indirectly, in vited. The fleet's cruise was a strong piece of diplomacy, by, which we informed Japan that we will send our fleet wherever we please and whenever we please. It worked out well.
“ But none of these things, it will seem to many, can compare with some of Roosevelt's other achievements. Perhaps he is loth to take credit as a reformer, for he is prone to spell the word with question marks, and to speak disparagingly of reform.'
“But for all that, this contemner of reformers' made reform respectable in the United States, and this rebuker of 'muck-rakers' has been the chief agent in making the history of 'muck-raki ng' in the United States a National one, conceded to be useful. He has preached from the White House many doctrines; but among them he has left impressed on the American mind the one great truth of economic justice couched in the pithy and stinging phrase the square deal. The task of making reform respectable in a commercialized world, and of giving the Nation a slogan in a phrase, is greater than the man who performed it is likely to think.
“And, then, there is the great and statesmanlike movement for the conservation of our National resources, into which Roosevelt so energetically threw himself at a time when the Nation as a whole knew not that we are ruining and bankrupting ourselves as fast as we can. This is probably the greatest thing Roosevelt did, undoubtedly. This globe is the capital stock of the race. It is just so much coal and oil and gas. This may be economized or wasted. The same thing is true of phosphates and other mineral resources. Our water resources are immense, and we are only just beginning to use them. Our forests have been destroyed ; they must be restored. Our soils are being depleted; they must be built up and conserved.
“These questions are not of this day only or of this generation. They belong all to the future. Their consideration requires that high moral tone which regards the earth as the home of a posterity to whom we owe a sacred duty.
"This immense idea Roosevelt, with high statesmanship, dinned into the ears of the Nation until the Nation heeded. He held it so high that it attracted the attention of the neighboring nations of the continent, and will so spread and intensify that we will soon see the world's conferences devoted to it.
“Nothing can be greater or finer than this. It is so great and so fine that when the historian of the future shall speak of Theodore Roosevelt he is likely to say that he did many notable things, among them that of inaugurating the movement which finally resulted in the square deal, but that his greatest work was inspiring and actually beginning a world movement for staying terrestrial waste and saving for the human race the things upon which, and upon which alone, a great and peacelul and progressive and happy race life can be founded.
“What statesman in all history has done anything calling for so wide a view and for a purpose more lofty ?"
BY ERNEST INGERSOLL
DECEMBER-MAKING ALL SNUG
INTER comes sometimes hurriedly
and sometimes tardily, but Nature
is rarely unready for it. She begins early to make her preparations for an average season; and an excessive one, which now and then overcomes her defenses, is one of the means by which the weak and the surplus are lopped off and the living world is trimmed down to normal proportions.
The special preparations made to endure the frost and famine are many and ingenious. Such are the thick scales on the buds of early-leafing trees, or the coating of buds with a waxy, resinous, or balsamic exudation, impervious to moisture. To guard their tender inner parts against injury by sudden changes of temperature, buds are often lined with a down or wool, which, as a poor conductor of heat or cold, serves the same purpose as the underfur of mammals, and falls away in the spring
I have called winter the resting-time of the year, and so it is for the plants and animals able to survive it; but they do so at the expense of activity and progress. Roots when chilled absorb water less readily than when
This chilling comes on gradually as winter approaches; and as the water-borne food supply they furnish to the plant decreases, the necessary transpiration of vapor from the leaves is lessened, and it is also checked by both the dryness of the winter air and the scarcity of daylight. Presently the roots furnish no more water, for the ground is frozen ; the leaves also have fallen ; then the protoplasm hardens in the hollow cells, where no moisture remains to freeze and burst the wood. Rid of their leaves, the trees are made ready for the winter's gales, which will hurtle harmlessly through their naked branches instead of overthrowing the trunks by pressure against an expanse of foliage.
A tree thus prepared has really become dormant from lack of nourishment; and that is the secret of the hibernation of our animals. But true hibernators are few, as distinguished from such mammals as the beaver, the muskrat, the ground-squirrels, and the field-mice, which now retire to winter quarters stored with garnered food. The
hibernators are small creatures that depend upon green stuff, as the woodchucks, certain mice, and lemmings, or else, as in the case of the badger and the skunk, such as live upon insects and other small prey now safely beyond their reach. The bear “dens up” only after even his broad bill of fare has been exhausted.
The many mammals and birds that brave this season of cold and famine—hunger, not cold, is the main factor in their problem—are forearmed in several interesting ways. The winter plumage of our birds is denser and more closely interlocked than that which follows the spring molt, and it is almost always of a protective hue, for now the birds cannot find the concealment of foliage. The waterfowl acquire a new downy undergrowth, water-proof and heat-retaining. It is with this underwear, which becomes loose toward spring, that the ducks furnish their nests with blankets for their eggs and young. Thus we utilize it at third hand when we gather eider-down for quilts.
Birds sometimes acquire at this time certain special parts to aid them during the impending bad season. Thus the fringes of sharp points that grow in the autumn on the toes of the ruffed grouse, and the stiff feathers that clothe the feet of the ptarmigan, furnish these birds with snow-shoes, lacking which they could hardly run upon the snow or easily dig beneath it, as they must do when searching for the buds and berries that sustain their lives. A very interesting relation exists between birds of this class and the group of bushes whose fruits mature very late and hang on all winter. The feet of northern hares are provided with similar snow-shoes by an extra growth of long, stiff hairs, and the hoofs of the snow-tramping caribou are broadened.
The turning white in this month of almost every animal abroad in the snowy regions is a provision for winter so familiar that it hardly needs to be mentioned.
Following the months as they have revolved under “the starry girdle of the year” has now brought us to the end of the list, and to the finale of the annual rhythm whose
“THE TREES ARE MADE READY FOR THE WINTER'S GALES, WHICH WILL HURTLE
theme is simple, however much it may stir the animal life which depends upon it the imaginative soul. In winter the world for food, and thus for the ability to reproof our temperate latitudes rests and recu- duce itself, “each after its own kind.” That perates. In spring it awakes at the kiss one primal and all-sufficient duty done, in of the sun, as the old myth teaches; and adjustment to the cosmic time-allotment, the then its progress from sprout to leaf, and organic world sinks into the repose of winleaf to flower, and then to fruit, is accom- ter until the time for its repetition comes panied by the rhythmical development of again.