as been appointed to the diplomatic ervice.

(C) Harris & Ewing

JOHN W. RIDDLE, AMBASSADOR TO

ARGENTINA

Two newspaper men are among the ppointees, namely, Jesse S. Cottrell, of ennessee, and Edward E. Brodie, of regon. They have been chosen as Minters to Bolivia and Siam, respectively. Two others are lawyers, namely, harles A. Kagey, of Connecticut, and Willis C. Cook, of South Dakota. They Das Ministers to Finland and Veneela, respectively.

Among other names are those of Roy avis, of Missouri, Head of the Stevens istitute of Missouri, and John E. amer, of Colorado, former Secretary of ate of Colorado. Their respective sts are in Guatemala and Nicaragua. Dr. John Glover South, of Kentucky, ough prominent in affairs in his own ate, also owes his appointment as Minter to Panama to the fact that his wife, rs. Christine Bradley South, rendered table service to the Republican party the recent campaign.

"THE INTERESTS"

HE testimony of Mr. Frank Hedley, President and General Manager of the Interborough Rapid ansit Company of New York, has done ore to explain the re-election of Mayor ylan than columns of criticism bewailg the low standards of intelligence in nerican democracy. Mr. Hedley has en the operating head of the Interrough subways since they were first ened seventeen years ago. No railway the world operates trains with such equency, or at such a high average eed, or carries such an enormous numer of passengers per mile of track, or is such a remarkably small number of

Mr. Hedley recently appeared before the New York Transit Commision and gave that distinguished and judicial body information on the subway situation which was as frank as it was illuminating. He appeared not as a railway financier, but as a railway operator, and asked the Commission to remember that he had had nothing to do with the subway finances until he was elected president two years ago, when the company was facing bankruptcy.

Nevertheless he showed a clear and common-sense knowledge of fundamental financial facts. He frankly recognized the fact that during a considerable period immediately preceding the World War the company paid grossly excessive dividends instead of setting aside a proper reserve fund for such a contingency as that which came with the higher costs of the war. At this point in the examination the Chairman, Mr. McAneny, stated that during the years 1917, 1918, 1919, the dividends exceeded the earnings by $7,000,000. To this Mr. Hedley assented.

But perhaps the most striking passage in this notable examination is reported verbatim by the New York "Times" as follows:

On any board of control of the unified companies under the Commission's proposed plan, Mr. Hedley said that the employees of the company should be represented, and told how the men a few months ago consented to a ten per cent reduction in pay, amounting to $2,600,000 a year, when

Paul Thompson

CHARLES S. WILSON, MINISTER TO BULGARIA

they learned of the financial condition of the company.

"It looked to me very clearly that if the men did not volunteer to accept a reduction in pay we would probably have to have a receiver," said Mr. Hedley. "They concluded that they did not want a receiver, that they would like to see if they could not get along with the present management for a while and they volunteered to accept a reduction, although their contracts ran to December 31."

"While your workers then voluntarily reduced their compensation $2,600,000 a year," remarked Mr. Shearn, "the bankers who held your $39,000,000 notes put an extra charge of 1 per cent on them?"

"The investor had to be bought to come in," replied Mr. Hedley.

"In other words, $390,000 of the voluntary concession made by your employees went to pay extra interest to the bankers and others who held your notes," remarked Mr. Shearn. "That is correct," replied Mr. Hedley.

"In order to give them 8 per cent instead of 7," remarked Mr. Shearn.

"It would have caused bankruptcy if we did not renew these notes," said Mr. Hedley. "In that respect they are both in the same class, but the employees gave up something and the investors demanded more." Now the men knew this fact perfectly well. They talked about it to their families, their friends, their associates. They felt that they were being gouged by what Mayor Hylan called "the interests." The great mass of the New York traveling public-the wage-workers, the clerks and salesmen, the small rent payers, the small merchants-these thousands of men and women believed that the financiers were trying to increase the cost of car-fare and the reduction of wages in order to perpetuate unfair profits. They had a grievance, and they turned to Mayor Hylan, who was at least

their professed champion, however ineffective his nebulous plans for reform may be. They felt that he was, at heart, one with them, and that is about all there is to it.

Unless this kind of railway financiering is stopped we shall certainly have Government ownership and operation of our transit systems, both municipal and National. For the average man will prefer to risk the dangers of political bureaucracy and inefficiency, which he thinks he can control to some extent by his ballot, rather than to submit to what he believes is downright robbery.

This is the real psychology, we believe, of the recent Mayoralty election in the city of New York. It behooves those who, like ourselves, believe in private property, private initiative, and the social incentive of reasonable private profit to face the facts squarely and honestly.

THE WORK OF CONGRESS

O

N November 23 the special session of the Sixty-seventh Congress came to an end. The regular session begins December 5.

A chorus of disapproval of the special session's work has gone up all over the country. Much of this criticism is just, but should not, we think, obscure our estimates of the session's net results.

Three important resolutions and, among others, ten important bills were passed.

The resolutions were:

(1) The ratification of the Colombian Treaty-an amazing agreement on our part to pay Colombia $25,000,000 blackmail.

(2) The Borah resolution, asking the President to negotiate with England and Japan with reference to armament limitation. Congress reflected popular sentiment and the Administration acted upon it in calling the Arms Conference, now in session in Washington.

(3) The Knox resolution, declaring peace with Germany and officially bringing our technical state of war to a close. The ten bills passed at the special session were as follows:

The Immigration Act.
The Emergency Tariff Act.
The Tax Act.

The Grain Exchange Act.
The Packer Act.

The Maternity Act.

The Budget Act.

The Farm Credits Act.

The Good Roads Act.

The Soldier Relief Act.

The first three of these laws are bad. The Immigration Act, in our opinion, is

a mechanical and mediæval device; it limits immigration to three per cent of the foreign-born of any particular nationality resident here. Its fault is not in shutting out mere numbers, but in often shutting out the kind of people we want and in admitting some we do not want.

The Emergency Tariff Act, a crude measure, imposing high duties on certain commodities, chiefly agricultural, was confessedly a temporary measure and has been prolonged until a general tariff bill shall be passed.

The same may be said of the Tax Act -it is, we trust, to be a very temporary law; certainly it demands the early passage of a scientific and stable tax act. Its lessening of general taxation is disappointing and its administrative provisions seem as hopelessly complex as were its predecessor's. At the same time, let us not forget the good features of the new law. It delivers the country from the burden of the excess profits, transportation, and certain consumption taxes. It makes the personal income tax more nearly just through increased exemptions.

There is much difference of opinion concerning the Grain Exchange, Packer, and Maternity Acts. Hence the temptation to relegate these Acts to a kind of twilight zone and await developments.

The Grain Exchange Act, while permitting dealings in grain which are supposed to be legitimate and useful in maintaining proper market conditions, penalizes purely speculative operations. For the real effect of this act we may have to wait until after next harvest and note its influence upon the marketing and moving of the crop.

The Packer Act is the result of the struggle of several years. It regulates inter-State and foreign commerce in live stock and its products, establishes accounting systems, prohibits deceptive devices and interdealings by the packer companies. We shall now be better able to judge whether the high retail cost of meat is due to the monopoly exercised by those companies or whether, as is claimed, centralization may not have minimized economic waste.

The Maternity Act has aroused far more interest than have the others and deserves proportionate comment. It has not been realized until recently that most of the deaths of the 23,000 young mothers and the 250,000 babies who die every year in the United States are due to

preventable causes, chiefly the mothers' ignorance. The Maternity Act reflects the desire to spread over the whole country the kind of work done by the New York City Bureau of Hygiene.

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The work of this Bureau has reduced the infant death rate of New York from 144 in every thousand to 72. This re duction measured the Bureau's ability to instruct mothers concerning themselves and their children. To stimulate the States to do this the new act gives $10,000 outright to each State and fur ther extends Federal aid in return for an equal amount of State aid. For a six-year period $1,000,000 is to be annually apportioned among the States in the proportion which their population bears to the population of the whole country. A committee consisting of the Chief of the Children's Bureau, the Surgeon General, and the Commissioner of Edu cation must approve all hygienic provisions submitted by the various States desiring to secure their share of the appropriations. The bill was passed through the Senate with only 9 in oppo sition, and through the House with but 2 39. The great majority felt that, espe be cially at a time when Congress had just or authorized very many millions for high

ways, it might well appropriate a mill ion to conserve our most vital resource human life.

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The emphatically good bills were, first It of all, the Budget Act, providing for executive supervision of estimates and appropriations in a far more business like way than has hitherto been att tempted. The Act has already resulted a in gratifying clarity and simplicity of gi statement from the Government to the citizens as well as in gratifying economy to the. Government itself. The Budget Act ranks, we believe, with the best laws ever enacted by Congress.

The Farm Credits Act has had a gratifying effect in the agricultural a world; it authorizes the War Finance Corporation to loan to the banks a billi ion dollars for farmers to borrow. This the is a time of special stringency for them in their effort to export their products, and the act will have its due influence on individuals and on our export trade alike. the

The Good Roads Act provides $15,000000 to be spent on National Forest roadsi and, in co-operation with the States c $75,000,000 for their roads for the fiscali year. At least as large an appropriation i is expected for each ensuing year. Three-fifths of the sum allotted to any State is to be spent on inter-State roads and two-fifths on intercounty roads. The act thus registers a new and wel come distinction.

was

Finally, the Soldiers' Relief Act in-sures greater efficiency by merging the g War Risk Insurance Bureau with the Rehabilitation Division of the Vocational Education Board and so much of the Public Health Service as relates to

disabled ex-service men. What is more, it establishes stations at various points throughout the country, so that the suffering soldier need not wait weeks and months, as hitherto, for relief. He may

apply to the one of the 140 regional offices nearest his home; they are empowered not only to investigate but to act upon cases within a specified territory.

All in all, therefore, taking the bad with the good, the closing of the special session of Congress, we believe, leaves the Nation better off than when that session began.

N Pennsylvania Avenue not far from the Treasury Building there is a booth in which are displayed weather charts. Among them is a regisering thermometer. As the metallic rm of this thermometer moves up or lown it records in a red line on a revolving cylinder the variations of temberature for a week. On what chanced To be the warmest November day on ecord I saw the arm well up above the lark line that marked the average temerature for this time of year, and beind it its red trail mounting from a oint below the average a day or two efore to its unprecedented height.

If there could have been prepared a echanism to record the emotional atosphere of the Armament Conference here, the red trail on the chart for the ast four or five days would be unleasantly near the bottom.

Beginning rather high, showing an tmosphere of hope at the start, the red rail would have shot sharply upward after Mr. Hughes's opening speech statng the American proposal, then after slight sag for a day it would have ounted rapidly to a new height to ecord the gratification at Mr. Balfour's cceptance of the proposal in its main tructure. Maintained very nearly at at high level by the interest aroused By the Chinese proposals for a new olicy on the part of the Powers toward China, the red trail would have made nother ascent as a result of the two vents of November 21-the reply of the ight Powers to the Chinese proposals nd the effect of M. Briand's speech. hen the trail would have started downWard, dropping rather suddenly with the eceipt over the cables of Lord Curzon's peech in England on November 24, and emaining throughout the week at an notional pressure distinctly low.

The more the people generally realize at it is just emotional weather, the uer view they will have of what is appening here. This period of depresion was bound to come. I expected it begin a few days sooner than it did. 'he rejoicing at the evident success of Ir. Hughes's diplomatic stroke at the eginning was bound to be succeeded by ome anxiety while the experts were at work examining the details. That anxety was forgotten in the raising of the uestions about China and in the antici

pation of M. Briand's eloquence; but it was sure to reappear; and here it is, reinforced by the words of Britain's Foreign Minister.

This emotional weather, with its periods of high and low pressure, is not primarily within the Conference itself, but constitutes the states of its atmosphere. And that atmosphere is supplied by the newspaper press. Never has the press performed in any other international council the function it is performing here. It is the air which the Conference breathes; it is the medium through which its decisions reach the peoples represented, and-what is quite as important-the decisions of the peoples reach their representatives here. Without the press this Conference would be stifled; without it there would be communications between the delegates but not between the nations. The advantages of such a Conference in the open are obvious; the disadvantage is that it is subject to the states of its own atmosphere, the inclemencies of mental and emotional weather.

There need be no fear that life in the open is going to prove unwholesome for diplomats. Already these diplomats, unaccustomed as they are to the rigors of publicity, are adapting themselves to their new circumstances. Like the young men who went from an indoor life out to the camps and the trenches, and throve, these diplomats seem to find this open-air diplomacy invigorating. Seventeenth Street (unimaginative name) is the principal scene of the Conference. Starting near the Potomac River, it runs past the impressive but ugly State, Army, and Navy Building. On one side is the park; on the other side are four buildings occupying, with their surrounding grounds, each a block of street front. Obliquely opposite the State, Army, and Navy Building is the Corcoran Art Gallery; next is the Red Cross Building; next, the Continental Memorial Hall of the Daughters of the American Revolution; and next, at the foot of the street, the building of the Pan-American Union-the association of nations in North and South America. It is in Continental Memorial Hall that the occasional public sessions of the Conference are held-there have been three so far. It is in the main rooms or halls of the Pan-American Building that the

meetings of the delegates are held when they are sitting virtually as Committees of the Whole-the delegations of the five principal associated Powers sitting as a Committee on Armament, and the delegations of all nine Powers sitting as a Committee on the Far East. At the foot of the street is the Jeweled Arch, a temporary structure, beautifully illuminated at night at the opening of the Conference, and still flashing its colors in the sunlight of each bright day: Beyond, and facing B Street, with its wings extending toward the bending river, is the immense low structure of the new Navy Building. I do not know how many hundred yards of corridors in this building are lined with rooms set aside and equipped for the use of the secretaries of the delegations and for the press correspondents. Here regularly the correspondents from various parts of the world not only find facilities for their work, but also meet spokesmen (in many cases delegates themselves) for the principal delegations, to receive information, obtain points of view, and ask questions. It is not only in the open sessions, but here through these conferences with the men of the press of many countries, that the delegates work in the atmosphere of publicity, encounter its gusts, feel perhaps its low pressures, but on the whole seem to find it bracing.

It was in this atmosphere of publicity that the French Premier delivered his eloquent speech of November 21. He knew very well that he was addressing not merely a few delegates but a listening world, and especially France (his own country, whose credentials he had received by a parliamentary vote), America, Great Britain, and Germany. He was helped to visualize this world-wide audience by the audience immediately before him. Within the walls of that comparatively small hall were people from all quarters of the globe. Most of them, it is true, were really-all of them nominally-friendly. Of those not officially entitled to admission, there were probably an unusually large proportion who obtained admission because of their sympathetic interest in France. There were present, however, as M. Briand very well knew, many who were nearly, if not quite, as critical and suspicious of France as if they had been Germans.

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And on each side of the hall he saw the representatives of the press-human amplifiers. He therefore had not only the stimulus of a real though imagined audience, but of an almost completely representative audience before his eyes. that stimulus he responded with a vibrant voice and with gestures as eloquent as his words. At times his tones were as if he were seeking in music and poetry a means of expression denied to words unaided. At times his outstretched fingers seemed as if they sought to clutch from the air some tangible and visible form for his thought. And yet in substance the idea he conveyed was simple. Moral disarmament must precede effectual physical disarmament. In America people are morally disarmed. In Europe, however, it is different. Neither Russia nor Germany is morally disarmed, and as long as they are not they are a threat to their neighbors on the land. No nation can improvise a navy; but with an army it is different. Every citizen is a potential soldier; every factory is a potential munitions plant. At one time Germany nearly joined Russia, and it was only the support which the French army gave to Poland that prevented the junction. There are people in Germany, especially working people, who are now morally disarmed; and when their spirit spreads to the whole nation there will be security. In the meantime France, in spite of the unsettled situation, is cutting down her army by one-third, and soon the French Government will be authorized by law to reduce further the military service and that means the size of the conscripted army-by onehalf. France has failed to secure from her Allies guaranties of safety, and she has been left to do police work in disturbed regions in Europe. She does not ask for help; but she asks to be allowed to protect herself and to keep the peace without a sense of moral isolation.

It was not M. Briand's speech alone that made that occasion memorable, but the replies that came from Britain and America in the words of Mr. Balfour and Mr. Hughes. They were words which expressed an understanding of the position of France. Mr. Balfour's speech expressed appreciation of this revelation of French anxieties, and emphasized M. Briand's point of the necessity for moral disarmament before physical disarmament by pointing out that America, Britain, France, Italy, and Japan can limit naval armament because they are morally disarmed and no one threatens them by sea, but France has no assurance that either in Germany or Russia moral disarmament has made such progress as to justify immediate material disarmament. And Mr. Balfour, by a rhetorical question that was a most effective kind of affirmation, declared that if France were again in danger from aggression, through lust of domination, Britain would not shrink from further sacrifice in defense of the cause for which she had lost a million dead.

And Mr. Hughes, after a tribute to the valor of France in her stand for liberty, declared with words that are worthy to be inscribed on some enduring monument where they may often be read: "There is no moral isolation for the defenders of liberty and justice."

Within two days the signs of an approaching low pressure in the emotional atmosphere became obvious. At first, at least, there was no indication that this area of low pressure had any other than an unofficial origin. In fact, the authoritative words of the nations' representatives gave evidence of a growing mutual understanding, particularly on the part of the British; but the discussion continued in the press. It is unreasonable to expect a nation to move as rapidly as its representatives can. Moreover, with the subsidence of the expectant spirit that prevailed before M. Briand spoke there was a recurrence to the mood of anxiety. The experts were at work quietly on the details of naval armament. There was a dearth of news. That always means an opportunity for rumor and speculation. The politicians had a chance to nurse their second thoughts. Fears of some design on the part of France to gain some imperialistic end were expressed. In particular, British correspondents deplored the fact that just when the nations were in a mood to stop naval competition the voice of France should be raised in defense of her army. The English, like all traders -and they are great traders, pioneers in commerce, and are proud of it-are romantic. Their experience in penetrating all parts of the world and discovering what is exotic and mysterious in strange regions has developed heir capacity for romance. And Americans are not far behind the British in this romantic tendency. It is with something of the nervous pleasure that a child reads of the magic of India that some of the debaters in the columns of the press began to conjure up a coming disaster, an impending chaos, if everybody, and particularly the French, did not take care.

The "Gobble-uns 'll git you," was the burden of their song, "ef you don't watch out."

And then came Lord Curzon's so-called "warning to France," spoken at a lunch

eon

on Thanksgiving Day. He told France her security lay not in her arms, but in the conscience of the world. "It is not for Great Britain," he said, "to submit to sacrifices, while others pass them by," and he added, "If we are willing to reduce our naval strength, let not other Powers be allowed to build up other engines or instruments of attack." Whether Lord Curzon was correctly quoted, or whether he had any intention of warning France, I do not know. It does not affect, however, the fact that immediately the atmospheric pressure here went lower.

It may be well, in the meantime, to keep in mind certain facts. Britain, America, and Japan have agreed not to

increase their navies-and they are among friends. France, next-door neighbor to a nation that has ravaged her land twice within fifty years and is by no means repentant, has already reduced her army and is proceeding to cut it in half. According to figures obtained from American military authorities, as reported in the "Scientific American" for December, the French army numbers 884,000; the British, 625,000. The French are proceeding to reduce their army materially. Aside from colonial troops, the French army when reduced will, it is estimated, according to a despatch from France, amount to not more than 250,000. Of course the British can give an explanation of the need for an army certainly much larger than that to which France will be reduced; and the explanation will undoubtedly be sound. May it not also be just to greet with something besides warning and fore boding the explanation of France?

Of course this period of depression will pass; the atmosphere will become clearer; there is no evidence that it has lowered the spirits of any delegate.

In the meantime the question of the Far East has been under discussion. China's ten demands-or suggestions, perhaps, they had better be calledevoked from the eight other Powers here assembled the following declaration-a document of historic significance:

It is the firm intention of the Powers attending this Conference hereinafter mentioned, to wit, the United States of America, Belgium, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, and Portugal:

(1) To respect the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial and administrative integrity of China.

(2) To provide the fullest and most unembarrassed opportunity to China to develop and maintain for herself effective and stable government.

(3) To use their influence for the purpose of effectually establishing and maintaining the principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations throughout the territory of China.

(4) To refrain from taking advantage of the present conditions in order to seek special rights or privi leges which would abridge the rights of the subjects or citizens of friendly States and from countenancing action inimical to the security of such States.

This translates the Hay doctrine of the Open Door, the Root-Takahira agree ment, and the Lansing-Ishii agreement into terms of not merely assent but "firm intention," and puts that purpose into a public document signed under conditions of the greatest publicity and made in such a form that for the observance of it each Power is morally responsible to all the others.

At once the matter of applying these general principles to specific cases was undertaken by the delegates. Already progress has been made in the task. It is not an easy undertaking. In certain matters China was glad to enter into treaties to yield up some of her adminis trative independence. In other matters

it was in the interest of humanity (for example, in the matter of extorting confession from foreign prisoners by torture) for her to be required to do so. Many of the arrangements which it I might be well to terminate are so long established that it is not a simple mat ter to set them aside without disarranging much that is desirable and right. Under this head may be considered the post offices managed by foreign nations on Chinese territory. There is of course an immense field in which China exer*cises administrative independence. That athe Powers agree not to infringe upon. There is another field in which China has made concessions by treaty. In these matters the Powers agree not to infringe one another's rights. There is a third field in which foreign nations exercise what seem like sovereign rights by common consent but without open treaty. These practices the Powers are examining to discover what they are and how they came about and how they can be ended if they ought to be ended. For example, it is understood that all the Powers are agreed that as soon as practicable all postal arrangements within China should be transferred to the Chinese, who have developed now a good postal system of their own.

The Conference has reached a stage where it is necessary to study a number

determination to get at the facts and to reach ultimately wherever a decision is possible an agreement and where a decision is impossible an understanding as to why it is impossible.

Of course, as the sluggard says, there are lions in the way.

But what the sluggard ignores is the fact that there is a way.

That way is the way of understanding.

There has been renewed lately the talk of an association of nations. If there come out of this Conference other conferences and ultimately something that can be called an association of nations, the product will be natural. There will be no attempt to work out the scheme for an organization and then set it to work to find out what tasks it is fit to do. The tasks are being tackled first, and whatever scheme may come will develop in the doing of the tasks. The man will not be made to fit the clothes. The clothes will be made to

fit the man.

Meanwhile there are no real, live goblins near enough to be identified. It is true, as the sluggard observes, there are lions without. They are in plain sight; but these the delegates are showing every disposition to go out and slay. Washington, D. C., November 27, 1921.

standing with Japan and England, she is safe. But France has to think of Germany, Russia, the Mohammedans, and all of feverish Europe still in arms. She would give a great deal to be able to lay down her shield and her armor, but she cannot give up her life. And in so doing she would be risking her life."

M. Briand. "It was in the name of the entire American people that Mr. Hughes spoke at Memorial Hall when he brought his remarkable proposal for the limitation of naval armaments. There can be no more doubt about that than there is in the power of the sun's light. And everywhere it was nations who replied, some joyfully, others a little apprehensively, all of them hopefully. May I say that I too spoke in the name of the entire people of France? It was one of the stirring moments of my political career. I too would have liked to do what Mr. Hughes did-get up and say to this assembly gathered together from all corners of the universe: 'France will follow your example. She is ready to scrap her armies as you have scrapped your fleets, to proclaim a holiday for the construction of her cannon as you are proclaiming one for the construction of your battleships.' I know that if I had said this I would have obtained the greatest triumph that could be obtained by a political man, and Memorial Hall would have rung with applause. But I could not say such a thing without disregard for my people and for the truth, and without failing in my duty. All America has to do is to look toward England and Japan. If she comes to an under

His reply was quick and to the point: "I would say, in the first place, that hose who have not seen Americans in their own country do not know them. Before I came here I thought I knew Americans. I had dealt with their Ambassadors; I had received calls from their great business men; I had seen their soldiers-all of which had given me an impression of America. But when I found myself on United States soil, when I went through its immense cities, above all, when I saw its people-the people of the streets, of meetings-I realized that my first impression was nothing but the merest outline. mistake that statesmen make is that they see only other statesmen, and do not pay sufficient attention to people. People are everything. They make and unmake history. They write it. Statesmen merely hold the pen-and they do not always hold it well."

The

"Did you gather the impression," I asked, "that this Washington Conference is a Conference of peoples?"

"Yes, a thousand times yes," replied

The French Premier paused a moment, and went on:

"The important thing is not so much to lay down one's sword as to decide not to use it. We in France are resolved never to be the first to draw the sword we are still forced to carry. This is an unalterable decision. Let us work hard to make every people adopt the same resolution. The day they all do, those same swords may be relegated to our museums. Until then we must try to have as light a sword as possible, one that will cost as little as it can. America, in this connection, has almost performed a miracle. She will help us to perform others. For this is the land of miracles. Just as there has been no scientist to suppress death, so there has been no country to suppress war. But America has delayed war in the same way that scientists have delayed death. Once again, America has served humanity well!"