as places of education is the enormous proportion of time spent over classics. I fancy (though perhaps it is only fancy) that I can perceive the ill and contracting effect on my eldest boy's mind, in checking interest in anything in which reasoning and observation come into play. Mere memory seems to be worked. I shall certainly look out for some school with more diversified studies for my younger boys." Booker Washington in his autobiography, "Up from Slavery" (which ought to be an American classic for many generations to come both of white men and black men), gives a very good definition of the purpose of education which he once made in an address before the National Educational Association in Madison, Wisconsin: "In this address I said that the whole future of the Negro rested largely upon the question as to whether or not he should make him

self, through his skill, intelligence, and character, of such undeniable value to the community in which he lives that the community could not dispense with his presence. I said that any individual who learned to do something better than anybody else— learned to do a common thing in an uncommon manner-had solved his problem, regardless of the color of his skin."

There have been so many philosophical and pedagogical definitions of education that it may be presumptuous for me, who am neither a philosopher nor a scientist, to venture to give one of my own. Nevertheless I conclude this article by attempting such a definition:

Education is the process of training man to be intelligent, useful, and agreeable to his fellow-men.

If this definition is at all acceptable, it follows that to be intelligent man

must have book learning; to be useful he must have hand training; and to be agreeable he must have some comprehension of ethics and æsthetics. Thus true education must be both cultural and industrial. Is not the trouble with the universities that they have over-emphasized the cultural or book-learning phase of education and have neglected the industrial or hand and eye training phase?

I have in mind a boy of sixteen who comes of a rather long line of bookeducated ancestry. He is alert enough mentally, but by some strange twist of atavism he is not bookish, although he will gladly work seven or eight hours a day with his hands and he needs a goodly share of exercise in the sun and air. I do not know any school where he can get the education he needs so well as he could get it at Hampton or Tuskegee. The only trouble is that he is a white boy!

TH

HE acrimonious and protracted controversy as to whether the Federal Hospital recently opened at Tuskegee, Alabama, for disabled Negro war veterans should be manned by a white or colored personnel has served to direct the attention of the general public to one outstanding fact

that the white South is to-day incontrovertibly divided on the race question. In some respects the situation bears a marked similarity to the rift between the North and South when the Negro was involved during Abraham Lincoln's occupancy of the White House.

There are Southerners with deeprooted convictions pertaining to "social equality" who agree with those of Tuskegee and Montgomery in their advocacy of the appointment of white physicians and nurses to serve Negro patients. There is also in existence another element-one as sincerely opposed to this plan as the Negroes themselves. Furthermore, they have the moral courage to come out in the open and emphatically register their disapproval.

That the white South as a whole does not view with equanimity and approval the disgraceful exhibition staged by the Ku Klux Klan on the Government hospital grounds the night of July 3, when an attempt was made to frighten away Negro hospital employees, and that a marked difference of opinion exists as to the reasonableness of the claims advanced by Tuskegee white people in their fight,

BY LESTER A. WALTON

are evidenced by the outspoken opposition of press, pulpit, and pew.

The Asheville, North Carolina, "Daily Citizen" says: "The Tuskegee protests in this matter do not represent Southern opinion on the race question. It is an established Southern tradition that Negroes should have their own preachers, teachers, physicians. Such a mode of living for the two races has come about because it represents the sanest sort of common sense with regard to the social contacts of whites and blacks. This policy increases the efficiency and the self-respect of the colored man; it opens to the race avenues of work other than common labor.

"But the truth is that in Alabama, and to a less degree in other Southern States, a minority of whites still hold that the Negro should hew wood and draw water and only that; he should be virtually a serf. This die-hard doctrine is impervious to the evidence that it is from the ranks of untrained Negroes at the bottom of the race's ladder that the great majority of Negro criminals come."

Declares the Louisville "Courier Journal:" "That demonstration in Alabama the other day was typical of the Ku Klux Klan. Did the Ku Klux Klan want their own members named to these positions in a Negro hospital? The Ku Klux didn't want Negro officials even for a Negro institution. They might as well have paraded in protest against Tuskegee Institute having at its head a Negro and having

been founded by a Negro. The parade at Tuskegee was both laughable and serious."

"Tuskegee is a Negro Institute and is caring for Negro soldiers wounded in the World War," says the Charlotte, North Carolina, "Observer." "It would be entirely in order for the Government to send Negro doctors to Tuskegee to care for these Negro patients. The demonstrations by the Ku Klux Klan in intimidation of the Tuskegee people were ill-advised and should meet with the protests of all good American citizens."

The Mobile, Alabama, "Register," under the caption "Inopportune Action," discusses the subject in the following vein: "The Ku Klux Klan demonstration in Tuskegee will probably make it harder for the Government to recede from its purpose to place a wholly Negro staff in charge of the new hospital for Negro soldiers. While intended to show the strength of the opposition to the Government's plan, it has also the aspect of a threat. Coming at the moment when a conference is about to be held in the hope of bringing about an agreement between the Government and the people of Tuskegee, the display of the fiery cross must be pronounced inopportune, and, though designed to support the protest of the people of Tuskegee, may have the opposite effect."

Declares the Elizabeth City, North Carolina, "Independent:" "Depend upon the Ku Klux Klan to continue to aggravate the race problem in the

South. It was not so many months ago that a hired speaker of the Klan was stirring up opposition to the work of the Southern Committee on Interracial Relations by deliberately lying about the organization. Now the Klan is terrorizing Tuskegee Institute, and the friendly relations which have existed between the white people at Tuskegee and the blacks at Tuskegee Institute are seriously threatened. Just why the Tuskegee folks object to a Negro personnel in the Negro Veterans' Hospital does not clearly appear. They say that it will make trouble among the whites. And yet for many years there has existed in the suburbs of Tuskegee a great Negro educational institution manned by Negroes, and there has been no trouble."

The "Daily Times" of Chattanooga, Tennessee, in commenting on "The Constitution" says: "Just a reminder of how it happens that so many persons do not respect laws, the incident at Tuskegee, Alabama, where there has been an open if not violent public demonstration against putting Negro doctors and Negro officials in charge of the Negro hospital for disabled Negro veterans located in that city, it might be well to suggest that the 'protest' is in defiance of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. The clamor is not against the men who are being put in charge of the institution, but against the color of their skins and the character of their antecedents.

"The attempt is being made at Tuskegee to terrify men of black skins, and to so agitate the emotional whites against the blacks that the Administration may feel it best for the peace and tranquillity of the community and the proper functioning of the hospital to withdraw its order putting Negro surgeons and officials in charge. That would of course be government by mob 'suasion' and not government according to the Constitution.

"New York is being called a 'rebel' State because its Legislature in orderly and Constitutonal way withdrew its 'concurrent law' for the enforcement of a Federal statute; the people of Tuskegee are attempting to nullify the Fourteenth Amendment-and the State authorities have not interfered to stop it-by threatening the Government with a 'reign of terror' unless it shall retreat from its position and withdraw its action for the reason that it is repugnant to certain elements of Tuskegee society. The method employed in New York was at least regular.

"We cannot have a sound and just Government when half of the Constitution is to be enforced and another part of it is to be repudiated. Expediency and opportunism have been having their day in this great country of

ours, and that may in some measure explain, although it does not justify, the widespread disrespect for law we

are

now experiencing. We cannot fairly hold the violators of one law to strict accountability when we openly and notoriously justify ourselves in violating another law just as binding upon our good citizenship and consciences."

In its same issue the Greensboro, North Carolina, "Daily News" published a lengthy statement by State Senator R. H. Powell giving the citizens of Tuskegee's side of the case and also an editorial frankly disagreeing with Tuskegeans. The editorial in part follows:

"Entering a protest is one thing, and threatening the lives of Negro citizens and the destruction of the property of an educational institution is quite another. A parade of 700 masked men is not a decent and orderly method of entering a protest; much less is a threat to burn Tuskegee Institute. Even if the Government has broken its promise, Tuskegee has no excuse for resorting to violence. According to Mr. Powell, under the original arrangement 325 of the 400 people to compose the personnel were to be Negroes, anyhow, and of course the patients are to be Negroes. The row, then, hinges upon the introduction into the hospital of a total of 75 more Negroes.

"Now how on earth can the uproar be justified on that ground? Mr. Powell refers vaguely to the troubles that will follow the arrival in Tuskegee of Negro officers in uniform, under the protection of the Federal Government and not amenable to local laws. Where does he get that stuff? If Negroes are sent to the hospital, they will be precisely on the footing of the white personnel, who are, Mr. Powell says, employees of the Public Health Service, and just as much under control of local laws as a lettercarrier or post office clerk. For that matter, if the Government sent men in the military service to Tuskegee, they would, whenever they were off the Government reservation, be just as much subject to the control by civil authorities as civilians.

If

"Furthermore, every fair-minded white man knows that a Negro with character and intelligence enough to win a degree in medicine and get a job with the United States Public Health Service is not a rowdy. such a man were sent to Tuskegee, he would be the last person on earth to take any action liable to cause him to lose his position; for appointment on the staff of the Government Hospital would not only carry a decent salary, but would be an honor that the average Negro physician would value highly. We repeat, we have no defense to offer for the breaking of a

promise, explicit or implicit, made by the Government to the white citizens at Tuskegee. But, on the other hand, we refuse to believe that the substitution of 75 Negro physicians of the Public Health Service for an equal number of white physicians offers the slightest menace to the peace or prosperity of the town."

Threats and intimidation of officials of Tuskegee Institute because of their advocacy of a Negro personnel for the hospital has hospital has aroused the ire of thoughtful white men and women throughout the Southland. The Race Commission of the Woman's Missionary Council of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, meeting in Nashville, Tennessee, adopted the following resolutions:

For many years Tuskegee Institute, a Negro institution in the heart of the South, with an entire Negro administration, has stood for the best development of the Negro within the race. Its marvelous achievements have attracted the attention and won the appreciation not only of our Nation, but of other nations and peoples around the world. Its unique educational achievements have been acknowledged in educational conferences throughout the world. It has been cited as an outstanding demonstration that the Negro has an opportunity for achievement within the South.

Therefore, we register our strong
moral protest against any act of in-
timidation or terrorism affecting this
institution, realizing that such meth-
ods are condemned by all Christian
powers as foes to civilization and
orderly government.
(Signed)

Mrs. A. B. SMITH,
Tennessee.
Miss ESTELLE HASKIN,
Tennessee.

Mrs. L. P. SMITH,
Texas.
Mrs. W. A. NEWELL,

North Carolina.
Mrs. LUKE JOHNSON,
Georgia.

Mrs. W. J. PIGGOTT,
Kentucky.

At Lake Junaluska, North Carolina, the Commission on Temperance and Social Service, of which Bishop James Cannon, Jr., is Chairman, passed the following resolution:

Inasmuch as there has come to us, through newspaper reports and private sources of undoubted reliability, information that the interests of that great institution for our colored people at Tuskegee, Alabama, are seriously menaced by threats of organized interference

Resolved, That this Commission put on record our appreciation of the incalculable value of that institution for the training of our colored fellowcitizens and declare our unalterable conviction that any invasion of its rights, or interference with the orderly pursuits of its lawful and

benevolent labors, would be a calamity to the institution and a lasting disgrace to our Southern civilization and people.

Resolutions were adopted at a massmeeting of women in attendance at Mount Sequoyah, Arkansas:

Whereas, the women of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, have for many years been vitally interested in the welfare and progress of the Negro race at home and abroad, and have aided in establishing and maintaining religious, educational, and social service institutions for the Christianizing of the Negro; and

Whereas, it has been reported through the press and other reliable sources of information that Tuskegee Institute, of Tuskegee, Alabama, a Negro school which has always stood for the best development of the Negro race in the South, has been menaced in its welfare and activities by a lawless element in the State of Alabama; therefore

Resolved, That the women attending the Western Methodist Assembly, Mount Sequoyah, Fayetteville, Arkansas, in mass-meeting assembled, express our confidence in the aims and ideals of Tuskegee Institute and our appreciation of the contribution it has made to the Negro race in America.

Resolved further, That we go on record as entering a vigorous protest against any act or influence calculated to injure the reputation, hinder

S

the activities, or menace the exist-
ence of this worthy institution.
(Signed)

Mrs. FRED LAMB, Chairman.

Mrs. JOHN S. TURNER, Secretary.

Perhaps the attitude favorable to a white personnel for a Negro hospital in the South may be best expressed in the joint resolution introduced by Senator Powell, who has led the fight against Negro control from its incipiency. The resolution was quickly passed by both branches of the Alabama Legislature. After a lengthy preamble setting forth that the white people of Tuskegee never would have consented to the United States Government building the hospital on the site donated by the Institute had not the impression prevailed that the hospital would be placed under white control, the resolution goes on to say:

"It is resolved that Negro control of the hospital . . . would be a curse to the ex-service men to whom the Government owes a debt of gratitude; a curse to the Negro race in its injurious effect upon Tuskegee Institute, which is of more permanent benefit than the hospital can be; and a curse to the innocent white people of the town of Tuskegee, who, accepting the Government's pledge, have brought upon themselves a condition that will jeopardize the lives of many, make the homes of the citizens less safe and se

cure, make their town less desirable, and to a large extent destroy the real happiness they have experienced in the past in their home life and associations in the town of Tuskegee."

Tuskegee Institute has been generally looked upon as the country's greatest sphere of usefulness in the matter of promoting better race relations in the South. The town of Tuskegee, together with its environs, is the last community in Dixie where an outcropping of race hatreds would have been expected; and yet, not far from the resting-place of Booker T. Washington, who preached racial good will and tolerance throughout the length and breadth of the land, neighbors staged a hostile demonstration in protest against Negro management of a Negro hospital. This was done despite the fact that Tuskegee Institute, more than any other institution or organization, has proved conclusively to the world the Negro's capacity for executive control of his own enterprises.

Few editorial expressions, if any, have appeared in the Southern press backing up the position taken by Tuskegee citizens. Publication of views defining the anti-Negro management point of view, written by Tuskegeans or sympathizers, in the main constitute utterances of the protestants in the dispute.

OMETHING like a denial of the evidence of the physical senses pervades conservative comment in the East on radical politics in the West. A record of more than twenty years is full of proof that the situation in the country beyond the Great Lakes cannot be accounted for as a revival of nineteenth-century Populism, and that a large voting population has moved definitely and finally away from old party standards; but a certain type of mind will not have it So. Minor causes are given the importance of major ones and only temporary significance is attributed to something which, it should now be clear, is no fleeting phase of our political life.

An example of what is meant is found in an editorial published in the New York "Times" on July 19, dealing with the victory of Magnus Johnson in the Minnesota Senatorial election:

It is now plain that the true causes of this Republican warning and disaster lie far back. The train fired in Minnesota was laid by a Republican Congress. It mistook the disease from which the country was suffering

BY JOHN BALLARD

and prescribed the wrong remedy. Doubtless it was out of old habit that the Republican doctors decided that there was nothing like their favorite old household drug, a high tariff, to make the people well again.

This illustrates the tendency to "declare against it" and to ignore the realities of politics. The tariff may be allowed to have had something to do with the size of Magnus Johnson's majority, but he, or some other man standing for what he does, was bound to be elected, anyhow. The causes of this Republican defeat do indeed lie far back, a good deal farther than any reader depending on the "Times's" interpretation of the event would be led to believe.

Johnson defeated Preus for the same reason that Shipstead defeated Kellogg; for the same reason that Brookhart was elected in Iowa and Frazier in North Dakota. The force of public opinion that swept these men into office, now gaining momentum more rapidly than at any other time since the movement began, is the same force that has enabled Robert M. La Follette to beat his opponents decisively in every election in which he

The

has been a candidate since 1899. man who thinks that the last two Minnesota elections can be accounted for in the usual way, as an ebullition of discontent stirred by some temporary cause, will in due course have to revise his opinion. The present distress of the farmer, the transportation problem, and complications resulting from the war have all had some bearing on particular elections, but they are all subordinate to something of deeper import. It was evident long ago to those who knew the State well that Minnesota was on the way to join the political standard of Wisconsin. It was La Follette who laid the train that was fired with such alarming effect, and he began to lay it before Shipstead and Johnson were ever heard of in politics. The thing would have happened sooner but for the war. Preus, able man and discerning politician, saw what was coming and went part way to meet it, but he did not go far enough.

So far as Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Iowa are concerned it is a mistaken view that regards the present movement as simply an agrarian 'agitation, or at most an alliance between discon

tented farmers and discontented labor. In Wisconsin the whole mass of the people is engaged in a degree not equaled since the State aligned itself against slavery. Business of the kind that is represented in manufacturers' associations is in the main against La Follette and his policies, but business in the person of the man with moderate capital is for "Bob," both in the little towns and the big ones. The teaching profession and the professions generally, the white-collar workers, and the women vote for him every time they have a chance. Probably two-thirds of all the college men of the State are with him, and most of the alumni and undergraduates of the University of Wisconsin have for for years given him fervid and faithful support. A cross-section of the socalled La Follette faction would not look much like the Kansas farmers who marched yelling through the aisles of the Democratic National Convention in 1896.

In

To a lesser but steadily increasing extent the same middle-class emancipation from old party ties has gone on in the other States over which the La Follette influence has spread. Minnesota more business men are concerned in the movement than would be imagined by anybody who assumes that because Magnus Johnson is a farmer and a bit crude the people who vote for him are all farmers and say "Yake" too. Long-distance critics should abandon the notion that conservatism in Minnesota is being defended by a cultured band of city taxpayers, surrounded by a stampeded mob of haymakers. There is a business element in St. Paul and Minneapolis that helped Magnus Johnson, and helped him gladly, just as it helped the grain growers' co-operative organization to establish a market in the Twin Cities. The big millers, the big bankers, and the big railway men stand where they have always stood politically, but it is no secret that even in important trade associations the liberal cause has made many recruits and was making them so long ago as when the Non-Partisan League was a new thing. The fight between the North Dakota farmers and the Minneapolis Chamber of Commerce caused business men to do a lot of thinking that was not confined to the subject of grain marketing.

It is worth while remembering that, along with the Swedes who settled there, Minnesota attracted more New Englanders than went to any other part of the Northwest. Thirty years ago it was said that Minneapolis contained more Vermonters than any town in Vermont. The children and grandchildren of those Green Mountain emigrants flourish there now, as fine and earnest and forward-looking a lot of people as can be found any

where. They have a passion for justice, they possess a political instinct that is rare in the peasant stock of Continental Europe, and they supply a leaven of shrewd Yankee common sense that keeps the progressive movement from getting out of bounds. They could not follow the whirling dervishes of North Dakota, but the humanities of that agitation won them, if its politics did not. They are, and have been for some years, steadily detaching themselves from the old party ranks, and, with war complications and Townley vagaries out of the way, nothing was more likely than that the vote of this thoughtful, determined part of the population would be cast in favor of a man recognized as standing for the policies of La Follette. It was cast for Magnus Johnson because he plainly and candidly declared that he accepted the Wisconsin Senator's leadership. Peacham itself never turned out keener politicians than some of the Vermont breed who have joined the revolt in Minnesota, and the Republican National organization is going to find it as difficult to rearrange a dependable line-up of the old sort in Minnesota as it has in Wisconsin.

It is this middle class of the cities and villages, less numerous than the farmers and wholly lacking the organization of labor, but surpassing both in political capacity, that is really shaping the course of the movement in the Northwest as a whole and keeping it, in the main, sanely liberal and progressive instead of extremely radical. The La Follette organization is absolutely dominated by the ideas of this class, to which La Follette himself belongs. The body of opinion which stopped the Townley nonsense at the Red River of the North does not stand for the Populism of Weaver and Jerry Simpson. It is not an opinion calculated to make the Old Guard feel comfortable, but it is deluded by no hope of making the world over in a hurry. Horrified Republican leaders pointed out that in Johnson Minnesota had chosen a Senator whose candidacy was indorsed by the Communists. Perhaps it was, but the Communists might with equal benefit to themselves have indorsed Lord Balfour. The people who control elections in Minnesota are neither Communists, Socialists, nor fiat-money cranks, and Mr. Dawes will not have to send his Illinois minute-men of the Constitution into the State to avert a revolution.

If the movement is not simply wild Populism and has a substratum of hard sense, why is a man like Magnus Johnson elected? For the same reason that Mr. Hylan is Mayor of New York City and Al Smith is Governor of New York State. Even a progress

ive movement has to take politics "as is," and in politics it is more important for a man to be known for right feeling than for accurate thinking. Mr. Johnson told the reporters that he wanted to be common. "He succeeds," observes the editor of the "Times." The new Senator's remark seems no more naïve and amusing to the aloof intellectual than does the pompous irony of the "Times" to the man possessed of political common sense. Magnus of the leather lungs may or may not be a constructive statesman. It is only at rare intervals that there emerges from the crowd a man who, like Roosevelt, combines extraordinary intellectual power with a quality of human fellowship that is instantly apparent to high and low alike. When such a man does appear, he upsets all the calculations of those who bow down to regularity and system. Magnus the farmer is no Roosevelt in point of brains, but he is a magnetic and likable personality, as dynamic as the well beloved "Teddy" himself, and with the same inborn ability to establish quickly a bond of friendly feeling with those to whom he talks, either on or off the platform. The man who not only wants to be common but knows how is a formidable person in politics. The old-line politicians made fun of La Follette for shedding coat and collar as he warmed up before county fair crowds, but now the Old Guard managers would send a candidate to the stump in his pajamas if they thought that costume would win enough votes to extinguish "Bob." Wait and see if they are not willing to nominate a calliope in the hope of beating Magnus Johnson.

From the standpoint of old party interest, the sum of the matter is that what was formerly the most solid and dependable Republican territory of all has been reduced to the condition of a rind without any cheese in it. A mouse, a mouse with pompadoured hair, began to gnaw at the center of that cheese twenty-five years ago. Anybody who cannot see a difference between what has been accomplished by this persistent nibbler and the spasms of those old "sixteen to one" days had better not waste any time struggling with the problems of politics. He is as hopelessly out of touch with American feeling and American political tendencies as the puzzled Mr. Chauncey Depew, who for the life of him cannot understand why a considerable number of people should want to elect Henry Ford President, when neighbor Rockefeller, who is probably no richer than Mr. Ford and has given away a good deal more money, would be an impossible candidate for alderman. One has to be a real mixer to know why the same people who voted for Magnus Johnson would also vote for Henry Ford.