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OTBALL AND FOOTBALL FANS AST week The Outlook published a brief editorial giving the records of some of the leading foot1 teams in the country. We were udicious enough to add that "all of se teams, with the exception of e and Cornell, have been tied or eated in at least one game." We ce cautious enough to add:

Undoubtedly there are other coleges which we have not mentioned hich have had equally good records, nd we expect to receive any number f indignant letters from their gradutes in the next mail after this stateent appears in print. We will unless le genus football fan has undergone marked transformation since last

eason.

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in early copy of last week's issue The Outlook reached the Rev. De t B. Thompson, of Auburn, New k, on the 16th of November. ently he immediately abandoned preparation of his Sunday sermon. vrite us the following letter:

I desire to call your attention to ie fact that, as usual, you have not en fair to Syracuse University in our article on "The Half-Way Mark the Football Season." You fail to ote that it, too, has not been defeated is season and has the unique disnction of not having its goal line rossed-a fact which no other team in boast, not even Harvard. Syrause can send a team over the seasot football-that wins championship onors, but no mention of it is made 1 The Outlook. Suppose it had been Harvard?

I have been a reader of The Outlook or several years, but you may disontinue sending it on January 1.

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The Outlook was wrong and the nister was right when he wrote the ser. Before the shades of another had fallen, however, Colgate took splendid Syracuse team into camp the score of 16 to 7. We do not im to be prophets; it was editorial k, and not second sight, which led to make the statement which was tified by events which took place er our editorial was written and Fjore it reached the large majority of subscribers.

One of the puzzles of editorial work the fact that so many readers take ground that an ordinary, garden iety of human error is conclusively

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the result of deliberate and malign purpose. The puzzle is doubly difficult to solve whenever it appears upon ministerial stationery.

To avoid any further difficulties with the genus football fan we beg to announce without comment that the accompanying picture shows the crowd gathering at the game between the University of California and the University of Southern California. The score appears to have been, on creditable report, 13 to 7 in favor of California. There does not seem to be any chance of losing subscribers by the publication of this somewhat bald statement. We would also mention the fact that Yale overwhelmed Princeton by the score of 27 to 0 if we did not have so many Princeton graduates on our subscription list. This game marked fifty years of football relations between these two universities.

THE CONVICTION OF
GOVERNOR WALTON

THE Sourt of impeachment, after

HE Senate of Oklahoma, sitting as

listening to the twenty-two counts or charges brought against Governor J.

C. Walton by the committee of the lower house, on November 19 found Governor Walton guilty on eleven out of the twenty-two counts of the indictment; on five charges the vote was in Walton's favor. Meantime Governor Walton has asked a United States Court to intervene. A conviction on any one count requires a two-thirds vote of the Senate; the negative result in the five cases indicates only that the vote against Walton was less than twothirds-for instance, in the charge of corruption in connection with the purchase of a house the vote was 23 for conviction and 18 for acquittal.

The charges on which the impeachment was carried through were for abuse of the Governor's pardon and parole power, the padding of pay-rolls, the placing of his private chauffeur on a State pay-roll, illegal suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and illegal interferences with the grand jury and with elections.

Those who have followed Mr. Stanley Frost's articles in this journal on the Oklahoma situation, based on a study of the facts on the spot, will realize that this impeachment of the

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Governor of Oklahoma has turned out to be a matter quite outside the limits of any controversy about the Ku Klux Klan. The impression at a distance. was at first that the Governor was fighting the Ku Klux Klan. Soon it became evident that a very large body of citizens of the State who had no connection with the Klan were convinced that the administration of Governor Walton had been corrupt and that the honor and reputation of the people of Oklahoma were involved. Even though it may be acknowledged that some of those who have sat in judgment have not themselves been free from blame, the result of the impeachment trial vindicates this attitude.

ROBBERY AND MURDER

A

GOVERNMENT that fails to protect life and property fails in its primary, its most elementary, purpose. The protection of liberty is secondary to the protection of life, and is impossible where there is no adequate protection of property. No people can be free who are at the mercy of the robber and the murderer.

Very recently there has been new evidence of radical weakness in certain forms of American government. That evidence has been produced by a series of robberies, in some cases accompanied with murder. One of the most outrageous of these assaults occurred in the Borough of Brooklyn in the City of New York on November 14, when hold-up men on the stairway of an elevated railway shot down in cold blood two bank messengers, despoiling them of over $43,000 which had been intrusted to them for conveyance. The next day two men with weapons compelled bank messengers to give up money in a car in the heart of New York City-at Fifth Avenue and Twenty-third Street; another hold-up man with a revolver robbed two men in a grocery store in the lower part of the city; and that same evening four men robbed the proprietor and two customers in a drug-store on upper Madison Avenue. The next day burglars smashed a show window at Fifth Avenue and Fiftysecond Street and carried off $40,000 worth of furs. Other robberies were occurring in other parts of the country. In Kansas City masked men held up two bank messengers and escaped with $20,000. In Collinsville, Illinois, three men held up two clerks of a coal company and escaped with $14,000 intended for wages. In Harrisburg,

Illinois, men robbed a State bank of personal conduct." He gave the lie $79,000. direct to statements of a number of witnesses, including General Sawyer, and said that the whole trouble was due to "Sawyer and politics."

America's bad pre-eminence in crimes of violence is a reflection upon American government.

The New York Commissioner of Police, in spite of the outbreak of violence in New York, takes a vacation at the very time when it is necessary to call upon the police reserves.

It is not sufficient to accuse banking and commercial concerns of carelessness in the transmission of money and to require them to safeguard their messengers. In a civilized community it ought not to be necessary to surround the ordinary transactions of business with the circumstance of border warfare. It is the business of the police so to control the criminal element that they will not have the opportunity to commit crime with impunity. Municipal police forces in America seem to tend to corruption. So far State police troops seem to have a much finer record in proportion to their numbers and their resources. One reason is that the State police in most States have been kept out of politics. Governor Smith, of New York, has now the task of appointing a new head of the State Police Force, and in performing that task his chief duty is to protect the State police from politics.

The community has the duty of providing, moreover, the kind of education and the kind of restraint that will reduce to a minimum the number of recruits for the criminal classes.

Americans ought to do something to un-Chinafy their country.

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COLONEL FORBES AND
THE VETERANS' BUREAU

HE investigation of the Veterans'

General Sawyer testified that he was told by the Surgeon-General of the Public Health Service that sup plies at Perryville were being sold f without regard to the needs of the service. He had an unsatisfactory conference with Colonel Forbes, after which he was directed by President Harding to go to Perryville and see what was going on. He found large quantities of supplies being loaded into trucks and requested the officer

in charge, Lieutenant-Commander

Charles R. O'Leary, to have them unloaded, and received a promise from him that no more supplies would be removed. Returning to Washington, General Sawyer told President Har ding that supplies which were badly needed were being disposed of. The President instructed him to have all movements of supplies stopped until a previous Executive Order had been complied with. This Order, which General Sawyer said had been com pletely disregarded, was that twenty per cent of all supplies should be regarded as the property of the Public Health Service and that the remaining eighty per cent, the property of the Veterans' Bureau, could be disposed of only by a committee of three men, representing the Bureau of the Budget, the Veterans' Bureau, and the Public Health Service.

Carrying out the instructions of the President, General Sawyer said that he had two conferences with Colonel Forbes, who signed a written agreement that no further shipments would be made until the letter of the order

T Bureau by a special committee of had been complied with. Three weeks

the Senate reached its culmination with the testimony of Brigadier-General Sawyer, personal physician to President Harding and for a time chief co-ordinator of hospital supplies, and of Colonel Forbes, the former director of the Bureau. General Sawyer corroborated some of the statements of other witnesses, made some additional charges on his own account, and said that the resignation of Colonel Forbes was demanded by President Harding. Colonel Forbes's testimony was, to use his own words, "a general, sweeping, and absolute denial of every charge, statement, innuendo, and insinuation which in any manner whatever reflects on the honesty and integrity of my official or

later word came to him that supplies were still being shipped. As a fact, General Sawyer said, 126 car-loads had been forwarded to a single firm. Included in these shipments were 84,000 new sheets sold at 2014 cents each, though at the same time the Veterans' Bureau was buying sheets of no better quality at $1.03 each. Something over a million new towels also were included, according to General Sawyer and other witnesses. The President, according to General Sawyer, then called Colonel Forbes before him and gave instructions that nothing else must go out of the Perryville hospital. Despite this, said General Sawyer, other car-loads did go out, and "as the result of this insubordina

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OLONEL FORBES not only denied every material statement made by General Sawyer, but charged a conspiracy to bring about his destruction by means of perjury and suppression of material facts and documents. He declared that General O'Ryan, counsel for the committee, was a party to the conspiracy. Colonel Forbes said that, almost at the beginning of his service, he incurred the enmity of General Sawyer by opposing his plan for hospitalization of veterans in old cantonment buildings and for appointing homeopathic physicians to important places. He declared that he accepted the position of director with grave misgivings and that his predecessor, the late Colonel Cholmeley-Jones, told him that no man could make a success of it. This, said Colonel Forbes, he soon found to be true.

Colonel Forbes declared that he wished to resign as early as the summer of 1922, and by October of that year it became apparent that the constant interference of General Sawyer would make it impossible for him to continue in the position. He had told the President that he was going to resign, he said, long before the order referred to by General Sawyer was issued. At length he did resign in order to relieve the President of the embarrassment of choosing between him and General Sawyer. Many specific incidents of General Sawyer's alleged interference were given, in

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(C) Keystone

cluding the breaking up of scientific conferences and forcing the reinstatement of doctors dismissed for incompetency.

Colonel Forbes denied, one after another, the charges of other witnesses and concluded his testimony by accusing General O'Ryan with browbeating witnesses into testifying falsely and with suppressing evidence that would have shown Colonel Forbes in a favorable light.

General O'Ryan had previously asserted that papers needed in the investigation were withheld by employees of the Veterans' Bureau, despite every effort of Director Hines to furnish them. In a formal statement General O'Ryan declared that neither the committee nor its counsel has any mission to prosecute an individual, and that the larger part of its mission. is not to hunt graft but to recommend changes in the Bureau and to suggest legislation for the relief of the disabled, with the least possible delay. The committee has held many private sessions, he said, for consideration of matters directly affecting the welfare of disabled veterans. The committee, he said, has developed a picture of extraordinary waste and dishonesty at the expense of the Government and of disabled veterans. He regarded as more important than this, however, the necessity of impressing on the public an understanding of what is needed.

In view of this testimony, Stanley Frost's articles in The Outlook on the Veterans' Bureau seem to have erred on the side of conservatism and generosity!

THE ENGLISH POLITICAL CRISIS OR plunging Britain into a general election when the Entente with France is threatened, Stanley Baldwin, the British Prime Minister, i has been sharply criticised. In the House of Commons he has had a safe majority on all the usual issues. Thatmajority was won by Andrew Bonar. Law last year on the understanding that as Conservative he would be content to carry on. If Mr. Baldwin had been left to himself, this marking time would have been his policy, but he was the nominee of the Die-Hards or militant Tories, who have driven him to his present decision. Six months; ago Baldwin was the sky-rocket in British affairs. It is impossible to say that up to the present he has made good. No real leader is stampeded by his followers.

The first shock to Mr. Baldwin' prestige was administered by Poin caré. Whether Bonar Law's treatment of France was right or wrong, it was at least consistent. Over the Ruhr he agreed with Poincaré to differ. France marched and Britain watched. To this decision Baldwin was a party, and his first error or inconsistency was to attack Poincaré for doing that in which, a few months earlier, Britain had acquiesced. Lloyd George holds no brief for France, but he has pointed out that, having been allowed to enter the Ruhr, France could not withdraw without an actual payment of reparations by Germany.

Then came Italy's seizure of Corfu, in the resistance to which Britain needed French help. Already criticised by pro-French Ministers in his

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Cabinet and by certain pro-French newspapers, Mr. Baldwin hurried to Paris and surrendered to Poincaré, vho, so to speak, received Curzon's ead on a charger. This vacillation umiliated Britain and her Dominons, then meeting in Imperial Conerence. The whole world wondered at the vigorous criticism of Baldwin by General Smuts. Everything could De pardoned except weakness.

In the meantime Asquith had won pack the ear of the Commons. Ramay Macdonald was active as leader of he Laborites. And by an incomparale pen Winston Churchill rehabilicated his career, too drastically conlemned, and vindicated himself at the bar of history. Last but not least, Lloyd George was receiving an unmistakable ovation in the United States and in Canada. Against this brilliant galaxy of political talent, the Government which excluded Conservatives like Austen Chamberlain, Birkenhead, Balfour, and Robert Horne, and was not allowed to admit McKenna, the banker and Free-Trade Liberal, could offer only the commonplace.

UNEMPLOYMENT AND TARIFF

ITH winter drawing on, the unemployed, all told, were at least two million in number. The European market was still disorganized. Mr. Baldwin was persuaded, therefore, to propose a tariff. Admittedly he had no scheme ready. All he asks is that a pledge against a tariff given by Bonar Law last year be canceled. He demands from the electors a free hand, and on this issue he appeals to the country. On the wisdom of the appeal

(C) Harris & Ewing

STANLEY BALDWIN

his Cabinet is known to be divided. Representing Lancashire and cotton, Lord Derby dissents, and so do Lord Salisbury and his brother, Lord Robert Cecil, who has now received a peerage, and so leaves the House of Commons and a constituency where as a free-trader he would have to defend protection.

Confronted by these perplexities, Mr. Baldwin has had to promise that his tariff would not include food and, presumably, raw materials like wool and cotton. This cuts out the farmers at home and the Dominions abroad; for, as Joseph Chamberlain recognized twenty years ago, there can be no scheme of Imperial preference unless Great Britain taxes food. Through subsidies for agriculture and cotton growing within the Empire, Mr. Baldwin hopes to make good the above omissions from his schedule, which thus stands or falls on the question whether a tariff on manufactures will create a home market sufficient to provide work for the idle.

The case for protection, thus limited, is that, with European currencies at a heavy discount, European imports can flood the British market. And already there is an act that extends protection to industries specially menaced. Freetraders allege that this act has been a failure, that the new tariff could not affect the industrial situation for at least a year, and that it would actually hinder the industries most depressed, namely, cotton, steel, and shipping, which depend not on the home market but on export.

Be that as it may, the fiscal challenge has at once united the Liberals

(0) Keystone

WINSTON SPENCER CHURCHILL

under Asquith, Lloyd George, and Churchill, and drawn from Labor also a manifesto in favor of free trade. The situation seems at first like that in 1905 when Liberals and Labor won a victory over protective Toryism. It must be remembered, however, that the protection then defeated included taxes on food and that the split between Liberals and Labor was less acute. To-day the free-trade camp is divided, and the Conservative vote is united. Unless Liberalism and Labor come to terms, numbers of seats will be thrown away. On the other hand, if Baldwin comes back with a small majority in the House of Commons, representing a decisive minority in the nation, it is hard to see how he can hope to push through so contentious a proposal as a tariff without another election before long.

On the free-trade side there has arisen the question whether Labor and Liberalism can possibly form a Government by fusion. Lloyd George is ready to serve under Asquith. Would Lloyd George and Asquith be ready to serve under Ramsay Macdonald? Between these leaders there could be a compromise to-morrow if their followers could be brought into line. With Asquith as Lord Chancellor, Lloyd George as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Macdonald as Prime Minister, a new era would open in British history. There would be a return to strict free trade, a small levy on capital, and nationalization confined to railways which are already consolidated into what is virtually a single non-competitive system.

But all this is decidedly conjec

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