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were made from 24-pounders, which is conceived to be the best gun for ships of all descriptions. The shells were cast at Carron, and executed in a style highly creditable to that establishment. The shape has been considerably altered, which is found to increase both the range and accuracy of fire. Each weighed 29lbs., including the bursting charge of 2lbs. 3oz., and was fired with a charge of 4lbs. of powder. The object fired at was a boat, of about 15 tons, placed at a range of 500 yards. From the smallness of the object, several shots were fired before it was hit, but the first that struck it, exploded on board of it, and sunk it. An empty shell was then fired at an elevation of about 18°, and found to range two miles. Time of flight 15". The line of fire was accurate throughout. With shells of this description, it is less an object to batter a ship, than to set her c. fire in such a manner as not to be extinguished. From experiment it is found that the shell explodes upon passing through a ship's side, but the splinters and explosion fall between decks; it is, therefore, proposed to fill the shell with gunpowder and portfire in equal parts, which, it is conceived, will fill her with fire and smoke so instantaneously, as to prevent its being extinguished. I am therefore still of opinion, that the larger the vessel, the greater will be the facility of destroying her; and that, in the present instance, a line-ofbattle ship would have been much more easily destroyed, than the boat in question. I believe also, that the Dutch need be under no sort of apprehension for the Scheldt fleet, for if they know how to manage matters, half-a-dozen gun-boats may make a bonfire of it at any time. I believe moreover, that the attack at Algiers, under Lord Exmouth, and that at Navarino, under Sir Edward Codrington, might have been accomplished with a few gun-boats, and, probably, with the loss of a very few men; but John Bull likes to take his namesake by the horns, and to fight his way to honour and glory through blood and slaughter. In your next Number, I shall, perhaps, trouble you with a few observations on the fearful state of declension into which the naval and artillery departments in Great Britain have fallen since the peace of 1815, while our neighbours have been indefatigable in improving theirs.

Edinburgh, 24th Dec. 1831.

Depôts.

M.

MR. EDITOR,-Allow me to ask, through the medium of your most ablyconducted, highly-impartial, and very widely-circulated Journal, why is not common justice meted out to all His Majesty's troops alike, and how it comes that some corps should have their Reserve Companies continually stationed in the best quarters that England can produce, whilst others are as constantly kept in the worst and most wretched ones that Ireland can afford? What have the 7th, 43rd, 51st, 52nd, 75th, 95th, and 96th done to entitle them to a lease at Winchester, Hull, Chester, Canterbury, Portsmouth, Plymouth, Dover, and Chatham? and what crimes have been perpetrated by the 12th, 32nd, 56th, 58th, 60th, 61st, 66th, and 99th, to condemn them to everlasting exile? These are questions that are frequently asked in the military circles, and the answers that are given most commonly produce dissatisfaction and disgust.

My depôt has now been in Ireland since 1825, and never, for even a day, stationed in a good quarter. I saw the 51st at Portsmouth, on the separation of our reserve and service companies in that year, and on my disembarkation there a few months since it was still in its old quarter. Can this be even-handed justice?-in truth we want, and most badly want, Reform!

We have nearly 170 recruits, taken from the wilds of Erris and the fastnesses of Connemara-regular "Terries and Peep-o'-day boys." Surely, Mr. Editor, common prudence would suggest the expediency of taking these U. S. JOURN. No. 38. JAN. 1832.

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lads away from the influence of their lawless connections, and by change of station and climate, weaning them from the bad habits they had imbibed in their native deserts. But common sense and interest, in these days even of cant, humbug, and reform, are far from "synonymes," and, forsooth, the good of the service must be sacrificed for the gratification of some "protected individual." By sending us, a body of raw Irish recruits, to England, we should have been drawn from the influence of whiskey and priesthood, and, moreover, had "room and space enough" whereon to drill and learn our duty whereas we have never had an inch of ground on which we could move. Our old soldiers have been constantly detached, and consequently no one remained to show what ought to be done. Our barracks are dirty, and the men will become slovenly, because they must be all out at drill, and cannot find time to clean both their rooms and appointments. If we were in England we should be all together; the recruits would have time for drill, not being required for other duties, whilst the perfected soldiers would attend to the culinary department and the keeping in order of the respective rooms; thus would all go well; as it is, nothing is regular and no one satisfied. The general-officer finds fault, and contrasts our appearance with that of the men of a whole corps, never bearing in mind our difference of position. But what can we centurions do? Nothing but, Bruin-like, grin and bear it. Could you believe it, we have all been obliged to sleep, drink, and cook in the same apartments?

OLD CENTURION.

A constant reader of your Journal, and an
Connaught District,
Dec. 4, 1831.

Badges of Merit.

MR. EDITOR.-It would be difficult to account for the inattention with which Government has received the reiterated and earnestly-expressed desire which the different branches of the service have evinced for a badge of merit, to distinguish those officers and men who had the good fortune to be present at any of the great battles which brought the last war to a glorious and successful issue. Surely economy will not be pleaded as a reason for withholding a boon which would be so highly gratifying to, and prized by, our veterans; for though the expense attending such a measure may, in these "piping times of peace," be more than it may be thought proper for a great nation to bestow on its valiant defenders of a by-gone day, such an objection can have no weight when it is recollected, that the officers themselves have repeatedly expressed their desire to be allowed to pay the full value of such a badge as may be accorded them-an arrangement which, one would suppose, even Mr. Hume himself would find no fault with.

I have been led into this reflection by having lately seen a subaltern of the 22nd regiment, who, I am told, fought in almost every great action of the Peninsula, from Ciudad Rodrigo to Toulouse, mounting guard under the command of a Major junior to him in years, and still more junior to him in the service, but whose uniform bore a decoration which proved that he had been at least within hearing of the guns of Waterloo; and by seeing the same subaltern sitting, at a court-martial, near a more fortunate Lieutenant of artillery whose well-earned medal showed him to be one of the officers of his gallant corps, who so nobly fought those guns, while the plain and undecorated uniform of the brave Lieutenant would not have told a stranger that he had ever seen a shot fired. I have also heard, since I have been in this garrison, a characteristic anecdote, which places this subject in its true light, as far as respects the opinion of distinguished foreigners. When Napoleon went on board the Bellerophon to surrender himself a prisoner of war, he was received by a captain's detachment of the Royal Marines; and after acknowledging their salute, he instantly advanced, passed through the ranks and minutely inspected them; which having done, he remarked to the

officers commanding the detachment that the men were very fine and well appointed" but," asked the ci-devant Emperor, "are there none among them who have seen service?"-" Nearly the whole of them have seen much service, Sir," was the reply. "What!" exclaimed the Emperor, "and no marks of merit!" The officer explained, as well as the awkwardness of the subject would allow, that it was not the custom of our Government to award such marks of distinction, except to officers of the higher ranks; and Napoleon ended the brief conversation by an expressive gesture, which, had it been interpreted, would have said-Such is not the way to excite or cherish the military virtues." Let us still hope that Government will at length see this question in a way congenial to the feelings of the United Service. Sure am I, that did our warm-hearted, considerate, and beloved King know how easily he may thus gratify his old officers, and were it properly represented how much such a regulation would stimulate the younger ones in the line of conduct which had won for their elder brethren in arms so desirable a mark of the royal favour, the thing would at once be decided I remain, Sir, yours, &c. AMICUS.

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Plymouth, Dec. 16, 1831.

Somerset Yeomanry.

MR. EDITOR,-As some people pretend to doubt the utility of that highly constitutional force, the Yeomanry, I beg to state that from my personal observation, I verily believe that this country has been saved from the most horrible scenes and excesses by that force. I was at Bath during the Bristol Riots, and I can affirm, that Colonel Horner's regiment being ready, was a very material assistance to the peace of the former splendid city, being kept free from tumult of any consequence. The conduct of the Yeomanry at the disgraceful riots at Sherborne and Yeovil was beyond all praise, and if a Legion of Honour existed in this country, Capt. Tatchell would undoubtedly have richly merited its decoration. In my way to Exeter, I passed two days at Wells, and I can scarcely describe to you the consternation that prevailed until it was known that Capt. Maher, an old 52nd man, and an orderly serjeant, had arrived, bringing notice of the approach of Colonel Tynte's fine corps of cavalry. Indeed, there was a general idea that the remains of the Bristol mob, would have attacked Wells, with the intention of assailing and destroying the palace and magnificent old cathedral. I saw afterwards a troop of the West Somerset, under the command of Capt. Kinney, at Glastonbury, very fine stout fellows; they were inspected shortly after by their gallant Colonel, who had been indefatigable in inspecting and re-organizing the regiment. At Taunton, I saw some of Capt. Cole's fine corps, who are very finely equipped and well mounted, and whose presence certainly kept the bad spirits in order, though I must add, that in general the best spirit and determination to keep good order reigned through the town's people of the places I have named.

Bath, Dec. 11th, 1831.

I am, Sir,

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MR. EDITOR,-A memorable lesson of the miscalculation with which leaders of popular clamour judge of their power to stop it at the point where they wish, has lately been read to those who suffered, and even, perhaps, to some who encouraged the commencement of the late riots at Bristol. Many of them have now to lament the loss of their own property, and to deplore scenes of destruction, robbery, and bloodshed which they dreamed not of. This example may be of use to the few well-meaning persons who are still advocates for the associations called "Political Unions.'

The most devoted votaries for Reform must see, that upon the acts of the Government, as now constituted, there are many checks. He would make those checks greater. Good--they are in a fair way of being made so. But every honest man must see, what has been often stated, that the tendency of these unions is to create a power in the state which shall be free from those checks, and to raise the smooth-tongued villains and the more daring ruffians into a place of power, which would have no check but that abrupt one which would hurl their worthless heads in the dust as fast as they should attain to it. Let such incendiaries be aware of this; let them remember, that although we have in England many Robespierres and Dantons, yet the intelligence diffused through this country must prevent such men from reaching even to that short-lived power which enabled the murderous ruffian to lay waste his country, until he was destroyed by his more cunning slave of a coadjutor. But if we supposed a miracle to place such men in power, the courage and intelligence of Englishmen continuing, their reign of tyranny would not be for two years, as in the blind days of France. Two days would suffice to seal their fate. Such scenes as have been lately witnessed at Bristol every lover of his country must deplore. But let us not lose sight of distinction between a band of ruffians, raising themselves into the power of doing mischief for two days, while the well-disposed were divided upon a political question, and such a band being allowed to organize themselves into a recognized authority. This cannot happen in England. Whatever may be the fancies of those who see the working classes of this country only at a distance; let any man who is accustomed to be among them and to watch their dispositions, whether as an officer, or as the conductor of any public work, be consulted, and he will say, that if his men could have been shown, at its commencement, that the result of this riot would have been the burnings and the robberies which followed, by far the greater numerical force of his men might have been enlisted to prevent it, and that, in truth, the real disturbers of the public peace are but few in number. They are the most forward to act, however, and the agitation of the great question which now divides the country, gives them a rallying point and a watchword, while the friends of order are deprived of this advantage, by their want of confidence in those whose duty it is to call them together: those whose duty it is to do this, being generally the leaders of a party opposed to nine-tenths of them, and opposed also to the Government upon this great political question. Much incidental mischief may, therefore, be done, while the public mind is thus agitated. The Dantons and the Robespierres of England will not fail to promote this to the utmost of their power, and may do much mischief, as at Bristol, before the courage and intelligence of Englishmen shall organize the means of putting them down.

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The unpopularity of the magistrates of close boroughs, and the imbecility of many of them, are, at the present time, barriers in the way of forming combinations for the support of social order under their authority. Thus, they may call out special constables, or the posse comitatus, as Owen Glendower did "Spirits from the vasty deep; but the Reform party, although friends of social order, will not come at such" a call." Associations are, therefore, forming, independently of the authority of the magistrates, for this object, but, unfortunately, it is not for this object alone. Their purpose is mixed up with a political question, in which all shades of opinion prevail, and which, therefore, deprives them of that unity of purpose that is necessary to make them effectual towards the prevention of such disgraceful scenes as we have noticed.

As I have stated, the intelligence and courage of Englishmen will put down such acts of villainy; but from the considerations to which I have alluded, it appears to me that it will require the interference of Government to form associations in time to prevent them. The wisdom of the Govern

ment, exerted in this manner, would also be a security that associations, thus formed, should be constitutional ones.

Mr. Pitt found no difficulty in assembling an effective force of Volunteers; when his object was less universally popular than that now proposed, namely, the preservation of social order. It may, therefore, be well worth the consideration of Government, whether such a force could not be called out with advantage for this purpose, under the name of "Volunteers for the Preservation of Social Order." Such a force, under the influence and control of a constitutional Government, would supersede all just pretence for those unions and associations which are now forming, and the tendency of which is to disturb the peace, even if they shall fail to subvert the liberties of their country. I am, Mr. Editor,

A FRIEND TO SOCIAL Order.

Edinburgh.

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Communication of Signals by Tubes.

MR. EDITOR, -Referring to the correspondence in your Journal for last month, page 392, on the subject of " signalizing by night," or "in thick and foggy weather," wherein the attention of your readers is drawn " to a plan for accomplishing these purposes invented by Mr. John Allan," and " posed by him to the Board of Admiralty last spring," I beg to offer a few remarks for insertion in your truly-interesting Magazine, on the "invention" in question.

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Mr. Allan's plan consists of a number of tubes or pipes, so joined together as to form one long speaking-pipe, and laid down much in the same way as the pipes for the conveyance of gas or water, and of sufficient length to extend from the Admiralty to Dovor, or any other outport, whereby orders or signals may be given, and answers received, almost instantaneously, however distant the extremes. Many of your readers are well acquainted with the speaking-pipes in general use on board our men-of-war and steam-boats; the former for the helmsman to communicate with the men stationed at the relieving tackles on the lower-deck; and the latter, for the helmsman to direct the engineers in the application of the paddles. It is also well known, that speaking-pipes have been used some years in our eating-houses, as a means of communication between the dining and carving-rooms. Your nautical friends will also recollect, that Mr. Parsons, of Portsmouth-yard, exhibited an ingeniously made speaking-pipe, of considerable length, to the Committee of Naval Officers, assembled three or four years since at that port, of which Sir Thomas Hardy, (now one of the Lords of the Admiralty,) was a member. Mr. Parsons placed himself in communication with the Committee, through the medium of his speaking-pipe, and after having, on that oecasion, put his "invention" to the "test by a fair and impartial trial,” he strongly recommended its adoption to supersede the use of telegraphs or semaphores, as well as for general purposes.

Subsequently, Mr. Parsons obtained permission from the Captain of the Galatea, to fit a speaking-pipe to the main-mast of that ship, and I believe it was found on trial at sea, that in a gale of wind orders were conveyed with facility fron, the commanding officer to those employed in the tops, whereby much misunderstanding was prevented. But, however useful these pipes may be to convey information short distances, (they have been used on the Continent to a considerable extent in tunnels,) yet it does not follow that one of 300 miles would be equally suited for speaking or making signals. Strong currents of air may be generated in the tube, and prevent any orders being received, if given contrary to the direction of the current. But there is another, and, to my mind, an insurmountable objection to the intro

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