Sylla, Cæsar, and Augustus, together with the Roman system of contributions, created a number of urbes dirutas ac pæne desertas,' as already described by a Roman witness. In the most flourishing districts, decay made the most formidable progress, as was particularly the case in Arcadia and Achaia. There were seen only lords and slaves, and with political freedom, civilization also became extinct. The author here appeals to a remarkable passage of Apollonius of Tyana, where it is said, 'I was at Argos, in Phocis, in Locris, at Megara, at Sicyon, and found myself sinking into ignorance and darkness, not because I had been long absent from Hellas, but because I had been so long there.' Still the population of the Peninsula was pure and unmixed: but Pompey already sent Cilician pirates to Dyma; Cæsar partly repeopled Corinth, that had been newly rebuilt, with Romans; and; after the battle of Actium, a great part of the victorious army established themselves in the Peloponnesus, mostly in and about Patras. Pestilential maladies produced a double effect, for they not only destroyed the inhabitants, but occasioned many to be carried away, in order to fill the vacancies occasioned by death in the Roman population. Between the years 250 to 270 after Christ, came the first waves of the great barbarian inroad, and inundated all Southern Greece with Goths, Heruli, Carpi, Boranii, and Slavi. These first swarms only murdered, however, without settling, and destroyed without remaining. Christianity also became fatal to the arts and nationality of the people; and the new religion, established in 396, on the ruins of Polytheism, brought with it neither internal nor external peace. The Huns, the Goths under Alaric, (afterwards driven out by Stilico,) the Vandals under Genseric, and Theodosius's prohibition of the Olympic games, completely destroyed the genius of the nation, except in the few remnants who, accompanied by their ancient deities, took refuge in the mountains.”

The third division of the work exhibits the waste committed by the Huns, Slavi and Bulgarians, in the countries south of the Danube, as well as the general movement of the northern nations against Greece, the arrival of the dreaded Avari in Europe, the devastation of the Peloponnesus, and its occupation by them and the Slavi. Against these monsters in human shape, the old inhabitants could find no protection, unless in the erection of new establishments, such as old Ragusa, Monembasi, on difficult or inaccessible rocks and islands. In the last-named place, the author thinks that the purest Hellenic blood, and the purest remains of Hellenic manners, should be sought. To the sufferings already enumerated, must be added the dreadful earthquakes that in the reign of Justinian destroyed 4000 persons at Patras, and buried nearly the whole population of Corinth under the ruins of their town, together with the great plague, that between the years 531 and 611 continued for more than half a century to ravage Europe, and which destroyed, for a time, in Constantinople alone, 10,000 persons daily. We give the passage in the words of the author.

"And as if so many evils had not in themselves been sufficient to destroy the old race of men, the old ideas, the old world, and to spread over the earth the darkness of barbarism, no period can be discovered in the annals of mankind, during which earthquakes occasioned such devastation as under the reign of Justinian. Were not entire districts of Syria and Phoenicia turned completely over and buried beneath the earth, with all their towns and teeming population? And though it may not be true to the letter, as stated by Procopius, that in the countries bordering on the Mediterranean, there perished, in the reign of Justinian alone, upwards of 100 millions of people, by war, hunger, pestilence and earthquake; yet it is certain, that the recollection of these most awful calamities of our race are connected

with the name of that emperor, and that he was held up by the miserable remnant of the civilized population of his time, as the great landmark where the genius of the old Hellenic world perished under the blows of Scythian barbarians, darkness, and superstition. True indeed it is, that Justinian could arrest neither plagues nor earthquakes, but he might have protected his people from the shafts of the barbarians, and, by just and wise conduct, have contributed to their happiness and prosperity."

Very important, in the history of this unfortunate country, is the appearance of the Avari, excited by the Chan about the year 578, and of the Slavi or Slavini, who after devastating every thing with fire and sword, settled in the Peloponnesus. From this period, says the author, a "blood-red cloud" extends over ancient Greece from Thermopyla to Tanarus, the southernmost point of the peninsula, which, on its dispersion, shows us not only the population of these districts completely changed in manners, language, and religion, but towns, villages, mountains, streams, and fountains, bearing entirely new and, till then, unknown names. The Chan of the Avari summoned the Slavi from the countries about Moskow, Tula, Smolensk, Wlademir, and even from the shores of the Gulf of Finland; and from the year 587 to 590, during which period the Hellenic Peloponnesus was completely metamorphosed into a Slavonic Morea, immense hordes of these barbarians must have arrived on the Danube.

Nor were the citizens of Constantinople Hellenes, any more than their emperors, their monks, or their chroniclers; they were, in fact, only naturalized Anatolians from Lydia, Bythinia, Phrygia, Pontus, and Cappadocia, or converted remnants of some of the barbarian tribes, that, after having overrun the empire about the year 376, had again taken their departure. And even this Christian rabble (we translate verbally) was several times destroyed between the fifth and ninth century, either in consequence of Palace or Circus revolutions, or by epidemic diseases, and again renewed from the three different quarters of the globe.

The fourth chapter describes the reconquest of the Peloponnesus and the conversion of its barbarian inhabitants to the religion of Christ: they thenceforth called themselves Christians or Romans, the name of Hellenes had entirely disappeared.

In the fifth chapter is a long inquiry as to the derivation of the word Morea, which is proved to be Slavonic; another into the origin of the Mainots, who are traced from the mountains of Curdistan, as well as an account of the situation of the Peloponnesus in the twelfth century.

The last four chapters of the only volume published, at least when our reviewer wrote, picture the fate of the Peloponnesus under the Latin empire of Byzantium; these chapters are described to be, like their predecessors, of the highest value and interest. At a future time, we may perhaps give some extracts from this part of the book, at present we must content ourselves with joining in the wish expressed by the author, that "the idolatry still carried on before an empty shrine should cease, and that we should love and succour in the Moreots, not the children of the ancient Hellenes, but simply our fellow creatures."

The interests of the professions to which our services are particularly dedicated, call for a few remarks of our own before concluding, at the present moment, a paper on this subject.

Though Greece has now been officially received as an independent State into the European Commonwealth, it is fully known that she does not possess the materials from which a regular civilized and well-working government can be formed. These she must, like her king, import from abroad; and as we are called upon, in conjunction with the allies, to contribute a sum towards the maintenance of her army and navy, we think that the country has a fair right to claim for British officers some of those situations, the emoluments of which, trifling as they may be, would prove highly acceptable to the unfriended, and of course, neglected half-pay officers; for as all the money paid on this account will in the end come out of the British exchequer, we see no reason why British officers should not reap some part of the benefit. Such an arrangement would not only give to Greece a corps of experienced officers, but would place at her disposal men whose conduct could be implicitly relied upon, and who, having rank and station to lose, would be responsible not only to Greece, but also their own Sovereign, for the honourable discharge of the duties entrusted to them by the country and government of their new adoption. We should, however, serve under British officers only, as was the case in Portugal, for it becomes not the station we hold in the military world, to serve under mere foreign adventurers. It will of course be said-for what is not said in these times?-that English officers are not well fitted to train foreign troops, and that our manners render us unpopular, &c. In reply to the first objection, we need only refer to the Portuguese, Sepoys, Negroes and Malays, who all became under British officers better soldiers than they ever were under any other. And as to the unpopularity of our manners, gentlemen should learn to ascertain the cause from whence it springs, before it is so confidently urged against us; they would then know that the very reason that sometimes makes us unpopular with the higher ranks of foreigners, is exactly of a nature to make us respected by the lower orders. There are plenty of men abroad who would follow and obey British officers, that would yet disdain even an equality with the mere foreign mercenary adventurer. Besides, in so poor a country as Greece, the possession of a British half-pay would be no slight aid in supporting the dignity of military rank.

In answer to such as, in these liberal times, would call every demand made in favour of England and Englishmen illiberal, we merely point to the French army lately raised, and now organizing, in Belgium, a country that had plenty of experienced officars of its own; to the retention of Algiers, and the expedition to Ancona; to the occupation of the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia by the Russians, until sums that the Ottoman Government can never raise, shall have been paid; as well as to the retention, by the same power, of the lately-ceded Asiatic Provinces, in the face of direct promises to keep none of the territories conquered during the war. Under such circumstances, it becomes a duty we owe to ourselves, to have a strong British influence in the Mediterranean; for the

time cannot now be distant when the liberty of Europe will have to be contested for on its shores. Five thousand men and a few sailof-the-line might have prevented the fall of Varna, and would in consequence have preserved Warsaw, but that opportunity having been neglected, a different force will be required to turn the fate of battle when the great contest between the Slavonic and the Latin and German nations comes to be decided, as such contests always are, sword in hand.

We should take a warning from the fate of the very country whose misfortunes we have been tracing. The Achæans, though old friends of the Macedonians, in whose alliance they had prospered, and to whom the people were generally attached, were induced by base fear, to join the Romans, whom they hated; they aided in the overthrow of Perseus, who, with their assistance, would probably have been victorious, and soon met in their own destruction the reward of their cowardice. England has followed in her eastern policy, exactly the same line of conduct; we hope she may yet change and repent, before the time for a similar requital shall have arrived.

ZISCA'S RETREAT FROM PRAGUE.

ABLY as J. M. has maintained the superiority of well-led cavalry over infantry, he has omitted to bring forward two of the most prominent instances in support of his theory. I allude to the retreat of Zisca from Prague, and to the battle of Dreux.

RETREAT OF ZISCA FROM Prague.

Soon after the battle of Aussig, the best contested of Zisca's fields, the aged chief was requested by the Calixtin nobles, to act as mediator between them and the townsmen of Prague, who had attempted to narrow the privileges of the aristocracy. Aware of the hatred felt by the burghers to his troops, Zisca left his army some miles from Prague, and proceeded thither with his fraternal guard, less than 400 strong. The populace received him with great apparent joy.

No sooner, however, had he taken up his quarters in the heart of Prague, than the scene began to change, and the rabble, ungrateful to their deliverer, began to insult him in the streets. With great magnanimity he endured their petulance, and strove to heal the unhappy dissensions which existed between them and the nobility. He succeeded, but the contending parties, in a private article, agreed to cement their reconciliation with the blood of Zisca.

A little after midnight, Zisca was informed by one of his officers, that all Prague was in arms, and about to attack his quarters. The deep sound of the tocsin confirmed his statement. The fraternal guard were immediately summoned to arms. They formed in the centre of the square, placing their father, as they called Zisca, in

the midst.

The insurgents soon began to appear, and to skirmish with Zisca's horse. Several times they were driven back with loss, and the aged chief at length ordered a general charge, which completely routed

the assailants. Early in the morning he began his retreat, but his progress was speedily stopped by a barricade, and at the same time a shower of stones, arrows, and bullets, was poured on him from the windows and battlements of the houses. He immediately ordered his leading squadron to dismount, and hew down the obstacle with their battle-axes, while another party assailed the houses and dislodged their occupiers. But while thus engaged, the rear of Zisca was furiously attacked and thrown into confusion by a dense mass of halberdiers. Few of his dismounted troopers were able to regain their chargers.

Having demolished the barricade, Zisca faced about, and in his turn became the assailant. Vain was the fury, and vain the num bers of his pursuers; their route was complete. The town-gate still remained to be forced, and from its flanking towers cannon and catapult played with fearful effect on the crowded ranks of Zisca. Here again his dismounted troopers did him good service, sword in hand they scaled the towers, dislodged their defenders, and secured the gate.

But the contest was not yet over, the road of Zisca was barred by the noblesse, who had arrived to assist their friends. At the same time, the inhabitants of Prague sallied forth by thousands and attacked his rear; destruction seemed inevitable.

Advisers were not wanting to urge him to abandon his dismounted troopers to their fate; but he sternly refused the infamous proposal, and chose rather to perish than to leave the meanest of his soldiers to the mercy of the Calixtins. Shouting his war-cry, he spurred impetuously into the midst of the foe, who gave way before his shock. Gallantly was he followed by the Taborites, and he soon succeeded in opening for himself a free passage through the midst of the foe.

Still he was not satisfied, for the enemy, although they shrank from close fight, continued to annoy his rear with their missiles. He again attacked, and threw them into irrecoverable confusion. But in the melée, the orderly of the old chief was killed, and his fiery horse carried its blind rider into a marsh. The Calixtins closed round the chief, to make him prisoner: the Taborites to save him. The latter were successful, and the shattered Calixtins slowly retired to Prague.

Having joined his army, Zisca resolved to let the insurrection grow to a head, and to retire into the mountains. His flight encouraged the Calixtins, who rose en masse throughout Bohemia, and closely pursued him. As they gazed at the formidable defiles which he quitted, without making an effort to defend, they concluded that he felt himself too weak under any circumstances to risk a battle. Fearfully were they deceived.

Suddenly, Zisca halted, in a position easy of access in front, but unassailable on the flanks. His first line, consisting of archers, was deployed in extended order half way up the hill; behind them were deep columns of pikemen, and in rear of all, the cavalry. The Calixtins attacked, as Zisca had foreseen, with great impetuosity, and without leaving any reserve. The first line of the Taborites gave way, but while disordered by their own success, the victors