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Mussolini, but the fact that Italy has voted for it indicates that he sees he must play the game with Great Britain

and France.

Kemal Destroys His Enemies

ored fez, were brutal measures. Europeanization is a good thing, they contended; yet when it is being introduced by such barbaric and Asiatic methods it can yield no fruit.

Moreover, Unionists criticised Kemal

at which, in order to continue, it requires severe reprisals and sacrifices of human lives.

The Outlook for Oil

T the end of July and at the begin- Pasha's reluctance to invite foreign capi- THE Federal Oil Conservation Board

AT

ning of August the Tribunal of Independence tried at Angora over a hundred ex-ministers, ambassadors, governors, and generals who were accused of having conspired against the existing republican régime and against the life of Mustapha Kemal Pasha, the President and the virtual dictator of Turkey. Seventeen of them were condemned to death and hanged in Smyrna on gallows constructed for this purpose along the quay, while many others were sent to exile or thrown into prisons. The alleged conspirers were leading members of the Unionist Party-that is to say, of the Party of Union and Progress (often called Young Turks)-which ruled over Turkey from 1908 to 1918 and which dragged Turkey into the World War.

We do not know how far these men were guilty of subversive schemes. It seems to be true that one of their political friends, the secretive, daring, and fanatically inclined Kara Kemal (Turkey's war-time Minister of Supply), attempted three months ago the organization of a terrorist act against Turkey's dictator. His plot was, however, disclosed. Yet one can hardly believe that Kara Kemal's political friends tried in Angora were all his accomplices.

Mustapha Kemal Pasha had many reasons to dislike the Unionist Party, which has been for the last three years in opposition to him. We think of Unionists as, above all, men who, headed by the late Enver and Talaat Pashas, dragged Turkey into the World War and were largely responsible for the atrocious slaughter of Armenians. Yet Unionists rendered Turkey important services.

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tal into the economically ruined Turkey. tal into the economically ruined Turkey. They asserted that, without its assistance, Turkey could not rise to its feet.

'The Unionists formed a minority in the National Assembly. Yet this minority began to threaten Kemal Pasha. Speeches in which the Unionists criticised the dictator aroused the sympathy of wide masses of population, from peasants to mollahs and pashas. It is said that Turkey's public opinion was now by far less pro-Kemalist than it was three or four years ago. Kara Kemal's wild plot was an excuse for Mustapha Kemal to behead the Unionist Party.

The recent executions and banishments have virtually killed the Unionist Party. It lost on the gallows such men as Dr. Niazim Bey, its founder, who started in 1908 the revolution against Abdul Hamid; Djavid Bey, Turkey's former Minister of Finance; Shukry Bey, one of its best spokesmen; and others. Kemal Pasha has triumphed.

Yet will this strengthen his position? Will this not add to the dissatisfaction with his rule? These questions cannot be answered at the present time. But the history of the executed and banished Unionists proves that Kemal Pasha's dictatorship has entered upon a stage

has reported to Secretary Work that the supply of oil in the pumping and flowing well areas of the United States is about 4,500,000,000 barrels a six years' supply in theory, though it cannot be extracted within that period. Up to June last the 68,000 wells bored since 1866 have produced over 9,000,000,000 barrels an incredible quantity -but much of it was pumped during a period when the demand was far below the gigantic requirements of to-day.

The almost 20,000,000 automobiles calling for gasoline, the huge consumption in other internal-combustion engines, and the growing requirements of oil for fuel make the problem acute in its relations to industry and prosperity.

To-day the United States is producing and consuming seventy per cent of the world's supply of mineral fluids, with a total investment set at $9,500,000,000. The Conservation Board, which includes Secretaries Hoover, Wilbur, Work, and Davis, asserts that with the current production coming from about four per cent of the producing wells, most of them only a year or so old, and from fields discovered in the past five years, the future maintenance of current supplies implies constant discovery of new fields and new wells. The Board holds that the situation renders it imperative for the welfare of the Nation that every effort be exerted to obtain the maximum amount of oil from known fields and to promote conservation vigorously along various lines.

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Exhausting the Inexhaustible

F

UTURE supplies, the Federal Oil Conservation Board avers, must depend on reserves new fields, improved methods of recovery, better utilization of control, consumption, economics, supplies from distillation of shale and coal, and even from foreign oil fields. The Board urges better control of production and better mechanical devices for use of oil products, and also declares it important that American oil companies should acquire and exploit foreign fields.

"While the production of oil upon our own territory is obviously of first importance," the report says, "yet in failure of adequate supplies the imports of oil

September 15, 1926

are of vast moment. The present imports from Latin-American fields amount to about 62,000,000 barrels annually of crude oil, against which we export about 94,000,000 barrels of products.

"The fields of Mexico and South America are of large yield and much promising geologic oil structure is as yet undrilled. That our companies should vigorously acquire and explore such fields is of first importance, not only as a source of future supply, but supply under control of our own citizens.

"Our experience with the exploitation of our consumers by foreign-controlled sources of rubber, nitrate, potash, and other raw materials should be sufficient warning as to what we may expect if we shall become dependent upon foreign nations for our oil supplies. Moreover, an increased number of oil sources tends to stabilize price and minimize the effect of fluctuating production."

Security for the future, the Board holds, depends upon the following items: 1. The reserves already mentioned. 2. The possible discovery of new sands in the known areas by deeper drilling.

3. The possible discovery of new fields. 4. Improved methods which will recover a larger proportion of the oil out

of the sands.

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Wide World

(C) Harris & Ewing Samuel M. Shortridge

was once Senator lends his words the weight of the indorsement of an expert. What is not least significant is that he goes outside of his own party and cites the encomium pronounced upon Mr. Wadsworth by the late Thomas R. Marshall, for eight years Vice-President of the United States, and as such the presiding officer of the United States Senate. According to Mr. Root, this Democratic leader, when asked who, in his opinion, was the most useful member of the Senate, replied, after a moment's thought, "Senator Wadsworth, of New York." Mr. Root bears witness to Senator Wadsworth's industry, to the clar

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ity and persuasiveness of his arguments, to the belief which his words inspire, and to the respect which his opinions command. Of Senator Wadsworth Mr. Root furthermore says that his character is a powerful influence in favor of right and wise conduct. "He never tries to get into the spotlight," adds Senator Root, "or to make speeches merely for home consumption. He never seeks to curry favor with anybody or fears to follow his own sincere and honest judgment."

Mr. Root's statement is evidence of the concern with which Republican leaders in New York State are viewing the coming Senatorial election. That Mr. Wadsworth has alienated thousands of voters in what is known as "up State" is obvious. He not only advocates the repeal of prohibition, but he opposes any statement by his party in favor of the enforcement of prohibition as long as it is on the statute-books.

Nobody thinks that Mr. Cristman, who is expected to be the candidate of those who believe in prohibition and its enforcement, will be elected, but in an

election in which candidates of the two chief parties will advocate the legalizing of the liquor trade voters who want to register their opposition to that trade will have no choice but to vote for Mr. Cristman. Under these circumstances, it is not strange that Mr. Root thought it politically advisable to appeal to these alienated voters.

Significance of California Primaries Two points of National importance

stand out from results of primaries in California-namely, the Republican nomination of a confessedly dry Governor and the Republican nomination of a strict Administration Senator.

California being overwhelmingly Republican, a Republican nomination is tantamount to a Republican election. Senator Shortridge, Republican choice, received over 300,000 votes, while John B. Elliott, the Democratic choice, received about 56,000. Judge Clark, Senator Shortridge's chief competitor, had all through the campaign the vigorous support of Senator Hiram Johnson and the Hearst press. The whole campaign was fought largely on the question of adhesion to the World Court. On this, as on other points, Senator Shortridge always appeared before the public as an Administration man to the dotting of the last "i" and the crossing of the last "t." His plurality of 96,000 over

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Clark is therefore greeted, and justly, as a signal victory for Coolidge policies.

The nomination of Lieutenant-Governor Young by a plurality of 12,000, although not overwhelmingly decisive, is significant by reason of the fact that Young has always been specially identified with the advocacy of prohibition. In pre-prohibition days Young ran for Governor on the Prohibition ticket. Although Governor Richardson has always stood for strict enforcement, the support given to the specially strong convictions of Young in favor of prohibition indicates a public desire for still more rigorous upholding of the Eighteenth Amendment.

As to the renomination of Mrs. Julius Kahn for the House of Representatives, it cannot be said to have much significance either way. Her notable success is due not so much to her wet advocacy as to the fact that the spectacle of the wife carrying on the work of her husband has not yet lost its piquancy in California as it has in Texas.

CLEAR FORKS RANGER STATION

SANDY

The nominations for the State Assembly and the Senate cannot be said to have any special significance. Both houses are overwhelmingly Republican, and incumbents have been for the most part renominated.

California Musicians' Strike

CALIF

ZIGZAG R

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STREAM TO LOOK FOR BROTHERS

HERE

RHODODENDRON

From the "Oregon Journal"

Lost

HERE SATURDAY NIGHT HERE

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YOCUM RIDGE

RIVER

SLIDE

MIN. PARADISE PARK

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MT.HOOD

Creek

To PORTLAND

TWIN BRIDGES

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MT. HOOD LOOP HGY

courses, and glaciers near Mount Hood. The account is headed "Jackie belongs to Humanity Now," and our correspondent suggests that, wonderful as was Miss Ederle's feat in swimming the Channel, Jackie's feat is the more remarkable.

A Graphic Map of Jackie Strong's Adventure Amusement Industries of Northern California tackled the situation with energy. Scores of musicians, stage-hands, electricians, and operators were rushed from Los Angeles, and on the first night of the strike all the theaters in the city opened their doors.

Meanwhile, however, the strike had spread. Los Angeles theater managers were served with notice that unless a settlement were reached before Saturday, the 4th, Los Angeles musicians would follow the lead of San Francisco, while reports were coming in to similar effect from as widely separated points as Denver, Vancouver, and Chicago.

ALIFORNIA in general and San Francisco in particular seem to be achieving an unenviable reputation, not only for strikes, but for the vigor, not to say violence, with which they are carried on. The carpenters' strike in San Francisco, which began last April, still continues, and attacks by union men on non-union strike-breakers or non-union workers of any kind are still common.

Remarkable it certainly was! This boy, Jackie Strong, came of sturdy stock and showed his native vigor and stanchness. A little less than eight years old, he never lost confidence in himself; for three days and three nights, after he was separated from his older brothers as they were all fishing, he pushed his way over "a wilderness of wind-swept canyons," subsisted on berries and raw fish, "made camp" for three nights, and, when he was convinced that he could not gain his objective on the plan he had thought out, changed it, and was calmly advancing in a new route when he was found by some of the two hundred searchers who had turned out to look for him.

The musicians claim that the purpose of the strike is to secure a six-day week; the managers insist that this is only a blind to secure an increased wage, and, with a view to driving this home, are inserting large display advertisements in the newspapers throughout the State showing the wage lists of the various theaters. According to these lists, no musician receives less than $75 a week, while in the larger theaters the wages are in most cases almost double this amount.

The latest is the musicians' strike, which, originating in San Francisco, threatens to spread throughout the entire country and extend into Canada. Our correspondent on the Pacific coast in an air-mail despatch reports that for several weeks there has been dissension between the theater-owners and the musicians over the arrangement of terms of employment, centering mainly about the question of a six-day week. A final conference was held on August 31, but, as no settlement could be reached, the Musicians' Union called a strike, and the musicians were quickly joined by

the stage-hands and the motion-picture operators. A complete hold-up of the sixty-odd theaters in San Francisco was the immediate objective, but the Allied

A serious aspect of the situation is that the musicians seem to be following the lead of the carpenters, and considerable violence is developing, while reports of sabotage are becoming unpleasantly frequent.

Valiant Jackie !

AN Oregon correspondent sends us a

Did Jackie cry? He did not! One rescuer says that Jackie "got mad" when they sent ahead for a doctor-"Don't want any doctor." Another says, "Didn't want anybody to carry him." Another, "Says he's good for another three days." As to the big search, Jackie exclaimed: "For me? Aw, gee, what are they doing that for?" But he put his arm around his mother's neck and remarked, "I got back." One can't help thinking of John Hay's "Little Breeches"-"I wants a chew of terbacker, and that's what's the matter with me."

thrilling newspaper account of the courage and confidence shown by a seven-year-old boy lost for three days and nights in the ravines, woods, water

It is this kind of confidence, persistence, and courage that has made our

men of the Far West what they are and has made that country what it is. Literature and Libel

I

N writing "Show Boat," a story of floating theaters on Western rivers, reviewed in our Book Table this week, Miss Edna Ferber threw in, for contrast and good measure, an account of the unreformed Chicago of a generation ago as experienced by an infatuated gambler and his helpless wife. Incidentally, it is amusing to remark that the author is quoted by papers as having said in a recent interview: "Know nothing about your subject and then go ahead. I never knew a gambler, even though my heroine had to live with one." But if Miss Ferber knew nothing about Chicago in the days she pictures she must have certainly "mugged up" the subject extensively, for she gives names and places with startling realism.

Unfortunately, she wandered from Illinois to Indiana and inade incidental mention of that well-known politician and hotel-keeper Mr. Thomas Taggart. Thereupon Miss Ferber obtained a kind of publicity for her book and herself which she was, as she has remarked, far from desiring. Perhaps she fancied that the perturber of party politics was a more or less mythical figure of the past. Far from it! Hence came rumors and threats of libel suits, offers to change "Tom Taggart" in the plates to Sam something or other of the same number of letters, dark forebodings as to damages already inflicted, hopes of all outside the fuss that it may be settled amicably.

The incident will certainly make Miss Ferber's fellow-authors a little cautious about the introduction of living people into their novels. The practice has sprung up of late; Miss Ferber is not by any means the first to employ the idea. Usually it is harmless; one fancies that the people introduced usually purr amiably at the compliment. But it is rather footless as a trick of fiction-art-and now we know that it has hidden possibilities of danger!

Charles Hopkins Clark

THE editor of the oldest newspaper to

be published continuously in America is dead.

Charles Hopkins Clark, head of the Hartford "Courant," left this life on September 5, having guided that journal for thirty-five years. The "Courant" is an institution dating from 1764,

and Mr. Clark was a very potent part of it. Unlike the ways of most Americans, Mr. Clark's services with this newspaper covered all of his career. As a very young man fresh from Yale he came by chance to the "Courant" office in October, 1871, when Joseph R. Hawley and Charles Dudley Warner were overwhelmed with work, and took hold with talent so much above that of the usual tyro as to win him immediate and permanent employment. Hartford is a good newspaper town for good newspapers. It has two of them, and one of these Mr. Clark made. He also performed an important part in the affairs of the Associated Press.

A Fellow of Yale, he further held posts of importance in Hartford business circles, though never taking public office. President Taft offered him the choice of an ambassadorship or a place in his Cabinet, He declined both. In his earlier days he wielded an independent pen, but with the coming of years accepted conservatism as his doctrine and upheld the Republican Party in Connecticut valorously through all its sins.

Personally, he was a man of charm, with special turns for belaboring the memory of Dr. Samuel Johnson and going a-fishing.

A Hundred and Fifty
Years After

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In celebration and in memory of these two events the City of Brotherly Love has been attempting a repetition of that Centennial Exposition which was so important a landmark in the development of the United States.

Things have gone somewhat slowly with Philadelphia's Exposition. The exhibits and the buildings were not completed on time. The expected crowds failed to materialize. But it begins to look now as though this tremendous effort to celebrate our National independence and the achievements of one of our greatest leaders might, after all, be successful.

We learn from a recent newspaper article that five of the largest American corporations are planning to send delegations of two hundred men or more to visit the Exposition. We learn that the Governors of Maryland, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Illinois, Florida, and New Jersey are all going to visit the Exposition grounds. The decision as to whether Governor Smith, of New York, will attend trembles in the balance. Together with these notables it is expected that more than one hundred and twentyfive thousand other citizens of these free and enlightened States will journey to Philadelphia to visit the Exposition on one particular day. Not only will all these people journey expensively to Philadelphia, but they will also foregather in a great arena to witness that event which bids fair to place the Exposition on the highroad to success.

Are they going to sing National anthems in Independence Hall? Are they journeying to Philadelphia that they may say, "These eyes of ours have rested upon the Liberty Bell”? Are they going to burn incense in memory of the patron saint of the Democratic Party? Think, if you will, of a dozen other similar questions. The answer to them all is, "They are not."

The only anthem these pilgrims will sing will be composed chiefly of the phrases, "Sock 'em, Jack!" and "Atta boy, Gene!" for the occasion of this great gathering in the City of Brotherly Love will be the meeting of Jack Dempsey and Gene Tunney in a fight for the heavy-weight championship of the world.

We wonder what would happen to the United States if our citizenry could for once get excited enough about its Government to shout with equal vigor, "Atta boy, Independence!" "Sock 'em, Liberty!" Probably it would be more profitable, however, if we should turn

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our speculative eyes upon things that may really happen.

come from divorce of ownership and management or control are not to be regarded as dangers inherent in industrial democracy. We have found some read

Safeguards for Industrial ers of The Outlook inclined to dread the

I

Democracy

N his two articles printed in the "Atlantic Monthly," the first in the issue for last January, the second in the current issue, Professor William Z. Ripley, of Harvard, has done good service to others besides investors. Sometimes Americans are represented as being all investors; but there are exceptions. And even among investors there are many who do not always look at public questions from the investors' point of view. There are some investors, moreover, who think of their ownership of stock, not merely as an opportunity to make money, but also as an obligation

that accompanies ownership-an obligation to society in general and to employees and customers in particular.

As Professor Ripley points out, the wider the distribution of the ownership of a corporation, the less chance has any one owner of having his voice heard by the management. More than that, in the organization of corporations ownership of the property and management of the business have become to a large extent divorced. Not only are the holders. of bonds without a voice in the management, but also owners of great classes of stocks. The ownership of corporations may have passed to Main Street, but the control of corporations seems still to be, perhaps more securely than ever, in Wall Street.

We shall not here endeavor to outline Professor Ripley's articles, or even to enumerate the evils he describes or the remedies he proposes. It is sufficient for our purpose here to say that the principal remedy which Professor Ripley urges is the exercise by the Federal Trade Commission of the powers that it already possesses to secure and disseminate knowledge now generally withheld from stockholders concerning the organization, business, and management of large corporations (except banks and common carriers) engaged in inter-State commerce. What concerns us here is the need of keeping clearly in mind certain distinctions which we think have tended to become obscure.

In the first place, the dangers that

distribution of stock-ownership among employees and consumers, on the ground that such distribution creates an interest hostile to corporation control by the Government and indifferent to the evils of irresponsible management so long as dividends are forthcoming. It seems to us, on the contrary, that the more widespread the ownership of corporations, the more general will be the interest in all that pertains to their proper management and control. Indeed, it is significant that among the companies which have the best and most informative reports are to be found some of those with the most widely distributed stock-ownership.

In the second place, it should be borne in mind that the evils attendant upon the wide distribution of stock-ownership are primarily not evils of industrial democracy, but evils of political legislation or administration. Tool users are

increasingly becoming tool owners. In

the old days the man who handled a plane or wheelbarrow owned his plane or wheelbarrow: Then, when the plane became a power lathe and the wheelbarrow a derrick, he worked for men who owned the lathe or derrick. Now the man who works with the lathe is as likely as not to be part owner in derricks that other men work with, and the man who works

with a derrick is as likely as not to be part owner in lathes that other men work with; and in some instances derrick-tender and lathe-worker may be

part owners in their own derricks and lathes. Now this is industrial democracy. It does not necessarily follow that either derrick-tender or lathe-worker will have much or anything to say about the choice of lathe or derrick. Perhaps he ought to have. If so, the remedy lies in the law which creates the corporation through whose instrumentality he exercises ownership.

In the third place, the remedy for irresponsible management will be gained neither by the destruction of big corporations nor by the mere enfranchisement of the stockholder. Indeed, it is doubtful whether the evils of irresponsible management are as great in some of the biggest corporations as they are in many of the smaller ones; and it is quite certain that even if all stockholders were enfranchised they could not, as Professor Ripley points out, have very much to say about corporate management. Although it is the widespread ownership of corporations that has made democracy in industry possible, it is not through the owners of corporations as such that the management of corporations will be made responsible. It will be public opinion acting partly through Government authority but mainly by economic forces that will ultimately see that industry by the people will be industry for the people.

The Priesthood and Materialism
By LAWRENCE F. ABBOTT
Contributing Editor of The Outlook

M

R. H. G. WELLS has just published a new novel which has created a temporary furor in London because it deals with living personalities. The cable despatches say that it is written with his usual brilliance. He has no usual brilliance-that is to say, if the adjective usual is employed as a synonym of the adjectives uniform or consistent. Sometimes his brilliance is genuine, sometimes it is as shiny as tinsel. An example of Wells's tinsel wit is found in the following paragraph from his new novel:

Were some one to discover some interesting, well-paid employment for ex-priests, I do not know what would

happen to the Roman Catholic Church. I believe it would collapse like a pricked sawdust doll. Its personnel would come pouring out.

Now I hold no brief for the Roman Catholic Church. It has its hard and repellent side. Its superstitious theology is offensive to reason. Its political despotism is offensive to a sense of justice. A terrible picture of its iniquities may be drawn with historical accuracy. What happens when it attempts to assert its vast physical power in conflict with the civil authority may be learned by a study of the Italian Risorgimento, the French Concordat, and the present unhappy struggle in Mexico. But to say,

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