PETER'S GRATITUDE TO CATHARINE.

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resting, to be in time; swam the Pruth at the risk of being drowned rather than go round six miles, and arrived to see his detested foes marching off with colours displayed and drums beating. The passionate intensity of his anger and chagrin threw him beside himself. He overwhelmed the impassive Vizier with indignant reproaches because of his amazing folly. "I have a right," quoth Baltadji, "to make war or peace." "But you had the whole Russian army in your power," said Charles. "Our law," rejoined Baltadji, enjoins us to grant peace to our enemies when they implore our mercy." "But," flamed out the king, "does your law bid you make a bad treaty when you could impose any conditions you please? Why, you might have seized the Czar and carried him off to Constantinople as a prisoner." "Then who could have governed his empire?" said the stolid Vizier a question to which the irate monarch vouchsafed no reply, but dashed about the furniture of the pavilion, and threw himself upon a couch in a frenzy of rage. Of course it would have been useless to urge before this intemperate censor the considerations that two fresh Russian armies were advancing, the one from Moldavia, the other from Poland, and that there was something to be said for a plan which altered the dictation of terms in a manner that would end the campaign, over one that would have involved a renewal of hostilities against the whole force of the Russian empire. Unfortunately for Baltadji, the authorities at Constantinople were also insensible to the force of such arguments, so that he was disgraced, while his avaricious Kaiya paid for the bribes wherewith he had enriched himself by the loss of his head.

The impression made upon Peter's mind, alike by his deliverance and by the terms on which it proceeded, was very deep. His sense of the perils that environed him, as well as the personal unselfishness of his character, are well shown by a magnanimous letter to the Russian Senate, penned ere the success of Catharine's expedient was known, and despatched by a messenger who got through the Turkish lines. "I announce to you," he wrote, "that deceived by false intelligence, and without blame on my part, I find myself here shut up in my camp by a Turkish army four times stronger than mine. Our supplies are cut off, and we momentarily expect to be destroyed or taken prisoners, unless Heaven come to our aid in some unexpected manner. Should it happen to me to be taken captive by the Turks, you will no longer consider me your Czar and Sovereign, nor will you pay any attention to any order that may be brought you from me, not even if you recognise my handwriting; but you will wait for my coming in person. If I am to perish here, and you receive well-confirmed intelligence of my death, you will then proceed to choose as my successor him who is the most worthy among you." Thirteen years afterwards, when the coronation of Catharine took place, he issued a manifesto containing a passage which should have silenced all cavils as to her share in the transaction. After a recital of his own labours and hazards during the previous twenty years, he proceeded: "The Empress Catharine, our dearest Consort, was an important help to us in all these dangers, not in war alone, but in other expeditions, in which she voluntarily accompanied us, serving us with her able counsel, notwithstanding the natural weakness of her sex, more particularly at the battle of the Pruth, where our army was reduced to twenty-two thousand men, while the Turks were two hundred and twenty thousand strong. In this desperate circumstance, she signalised her zeal by a courage superior to her sex, as is well known to the whole army throughout the empire." Yet the conditions, though welcome, were so galling, that

he caused a garbled version of the treaty containing them to be circulated throughout Europe, while his procrastination in fulfilling the chief of them was so suspicious and inveterate that twice over it made a new rupture imminent. Within the year, principally through the mediation of Sir Robert Sutton, the British ambassador, a fresh treaty was drawn up, in which, after the main provisions of its predecessor had been recapitulated, an express arrangement was made that the Russian troops should evacuate Poland in less than thirty days. The bargain was not kept; and the failure was made more marked by a cessation of the work necessary for the due surrender of Azoff. Again the Ottoman Power threatened war in revenge for what was denounced as shameless perfidy, and again Sir Robert Sutton, seconded by the Dutch minister, Collyer, averted the conflict that seemed inevitable. A more decisive procedure was adopted this time. Not only were all the articles of the original treaty renewed-with one exception, that relating to Charlesbut, while satisfaction was given as regards Poland, commissioners were appointed for the settlement of the dispute relative to Azoff in a manner more favourable to Turkey than had previously been contemplated. They drew a frontier line between the rivers Samara and Orel, dividing the territory; eastward to the Don and to Azoff the boundary was fixed at what it was before the first Russian occupation; Taganrog was destroyed; while the Russian Cossacks and Calmucks were taken bound to avoid molestation of the Turkish Tartars and Circassians, a reciprocal obligation being imposed upon the latter. All that the Czar gained was a promise that Charles should be forced to quit Turkey. Upon this footing a peace was at last concluded, which endured for the unusually long period of five and twenty years, in the course of which the two combatants appeared as allies against Persia.

CHAPTER IV.

WAR BETWEEN TURKEY AND VENICE GERMAN INTERVENTION - TURKISH LOSSES-WAR BETWEEN RUSSIA AND SWEDEN-RUSSIAN GAINS—ALLIANCE BETWEEN TURKEY AND RUSSIA-JOINT WAR AGAINST PERSIA.

HOUGH the quarter of a century-1711-36—was marked by a cessation of strife between Turkey and Russia, each Power was oftener than once engaged in important military operations. Instead of making peace with Sweden, the Czar Peter, at the opening of the period, directed all his energies to the prosecution of a design for further crippling that country, entering into a league with the King of Denmark, along with the Electors of Brandenburg and Hanover for the purpose. Turkey, on her part, took avail of the warlike preparations she had made for guarding herself against Russia, to provoke a conflict with Venice, designed to effect the recovery of the Morea. This was an object which had been dear to the Turkish imagination ever since the peace of Carlowitz. The weakness of the Venetian Government, and the ill-success which had attended its perfunctory efforts to win the attachment of the Greek religionists who inhabited the province, seemed to make the juncture a fitting one. The Grand Vizier, who succeeded Baltadji, was Ali Comourgi, a person of distinguished literary attainments, though inordinately vain, and a devout believer in astrology. His anxiety to recover from the Republic the Greek territories which she had wrested from Turkish sway had long been notable; and the language of the stars now told him his ambition was to be gratified. A large fleet was hastily fitted out in order to co-operate with the land forces; a pretext for hostilities was easily found; and in the spring of 1715 they were begun. By the end of June, Corinth-the siege whereof gave a theme to Byron's muse -had fallen. Ere the close of the year, Venice had not only lost Morea, but had been driven from all the islands of the Archipelago. Elated by his success, Comourgi now proposed to attack Corfu, and to assail the Venetian possessions on the Adriatic coast; but a formidable antagonist came forth to bar his progress. The German Emperor, Charles VI., either offended by the successes of the Turks, or anxious to extend Austria on the eastern side, stepped forward as the ally of Venice. There was a strong feeling at Constantinople that it would be wise to decline an encounter with this powerful foe, resting content with the gains that had been won. But the Vizier was not to be restrained. The diviners and astrologers whom he consulted again prophesied according to his wish; he procured a "fetva" sanctioning the war; and early summer saw him in command of a large force at Belgrade, collected to meet the Austrian forces, under the direction of Prince Eugene.

The Turkish march was directed upon Carlowitz and Peterwaradin in the belief that the main body of the Austrian army was elsewhere. This impression was rather confirmed by what happened at Carlowitz. On the 12th of August the advance-guard of the Turks came upon a number of the Austrian troops posted there, under the command of Count de Palfy. When charged, they offered only a faint resistance, making off in haste, and leaving some seven hundred men behind, among whom was General Brenner. Thus the first direct violation of the peace of Carlowitz occurred near the place where the treaty was concluded. Next day the victors pushed on towards Peterwaradin, two leagues ahead. To their astonishment, they found Eugene in position across their line of march. He was encamped within the lines which the Turks had formed in 1694. Comourgi kept his men under arms for a long while, in the expectation that they would be attacked. No movement was made, however, till next day, the Turks having been employed over night in forming parallel entrenchments. Early in the morning it was found the Austrians meant to fight. Having no fear that his position would be turned, Eugene drew up his troops for the encounter, placing his cavalry upon the left. The Turks adopted a directly counterarrangement. The conflict began at seven o'clock, and lasted till noon, with variable fortune. The German cavalry were brought into action early in the day, and their superiority was so marked that one or two charges seemed decisive of victory. On the other side, however, the Janissaries, who formed the Turkish left, overbore the forces opposed to them, pierced through their entrenchments, pressed hard upon the centre division, and were only checked and turned by recalling the horsemen to charge upon them. The Vizier had taken his station near the Standard of the Prophet, and did his best by every form of appeal, including sabre strokes, to rally the flying Spahs of his own right wing. He succeeded in so far, and, learning that their commander was slain, he put himself at their head, and dashed into the thickest of the fray. In the struggle he was mortally wounded by a bullet. Some of his officers, beholding him fall, had him placed on horseback and quietly led away to the rear. But the news soon spread; the rout now became headlong; and two of the Turkish generals, accompanied by the historian Reschid, seized the green standard, and bore it off to Belgrade, whither the Janissaries of the left also retired, though in good order. The German loss was computed at three thousand; that of the Turks at double. The spoil that fell to the victors was immense, including one hundred and forty pieces of artillery. They were greatly enraged by coming upon the body of the brave General Brenner, shockingly mutilated after the Turkish fashion. Comourgi expired next day, his end having been hastened by the fury to which he gave way over his losses—

"He sank, regretting not to die,

But cursed the Christian's victory."

To reduce the city of Temeswaer was the object Prince Eugene now proposed to himself. Twenty days after his victory at Peterwaradin, he sat down before it. The siege lasted well-nigh three months. An effort to relieve the garrison led to their surrender. The Turkish movement was too feeble and precipitate. It was easly repelled; and the repulse was quickly followed by a capitulation. lished over the whole extent of Hungary.

The Austrian dominion was thus estabThis success exerted a widespread effect throughout the European provinces of Turkey. It was especially influential south of the