(cf. Vol. IV, p. 83). The music which is so closely associated with the ritual of these cults may possibly have found its way among the Greeks. While Greek music was acquainted with a minor scale, which contained the same notes ascending and descending, and therefore was without a dominant note, the Phrygo-Lydian music, which now became prevalent, was a major mode, corresponding roughly to the major keys of the Gaelic folk songs. The Phrygian musician Olympus was regarded as a personification of this influence; and, generally speaking, the memory of the Greek debt to Asia Minor was preserved with remarkable fidelity in the nomenclature and the ideas of history.

The Apollo cult, which had become entirely Greek, rested in many points on the worship of the Lycian sun-god; Apollo, Artemis, and Leto were, even in Hellenistic times, national gods of Lycia; the Lycian singers of Delos, such as Olen, continued to live in the memory of the Greeks. The mysteries of the Samothracian Cabiri, Semitic in name and Asiatic in nature, had great attraction for the Greeks. The Phoenician Astarte of Paphos in Cyprus was borrowed by the Greeks; so, too, the goddess of Eryx in Sicily; and not infrequently we find in Greek temples a female deity of Greek name but foreign origin, such as the armed Aphrodite in the temples of Cythera and Sparta, and the Athena of Lindus. So also Agrigentum adopted not only the bull-god of the Semites (the bull of Phalaris), but also the Semitic custom of honouring the god with human sacrifices. And even where the old seat of worship did not lie within the new Greek territory, Greeks zealously fostered the ancient cults, as the Cyrenæans, for example, the cult of the ram-horned Ammon. By the substratum of foreign language and the facile absorption of foreign cults the barriers of Greek civilization were weakened. Community of religion between two nations increases the influence which they exert one on the other. A civilization on a higher plane transmits its forms to others; thus from the archetype of Phoenician script, as invented in Syria or Arabia, and preserved comparatively unaltered in the inscription of the Moabite king Mesa (Vol. III, p. 122), not merely the SidonianPhoenician and old Aramaic, but also the old Greek alphabets were derived, and the Semitic forms of trade and commerce, as fixed by the Babylonians (ibid. p. 40), the system of weights and measures and coinage (Vol. IV, p. 56), were transmitted to the Greeks. The Egyptian art of casting in iron stimulated Rhocus, whose name is found in Naucratis, and subsequent Greek sculptors; while the colouring of the Greco-Cyprian artistic products was suggested by that of the Assyrian reliefs. The Assyrian metal-worker and the Lydian carpet-weaver gave hints to the Greek potter. The splendid system of mensuration which the Egyptian priests evolved for the benefit of the Egyptian agriculturists raised geometry to a level which opened new paths to Thales and Pythagoras.

In this way the original form of Greek civilization has received important admixtures of foreign culture. The blending was facilitated by political inclusion in Oriental empires, by close neighbourship, which ended now in wars, now in peaceful relations of trade and intercourse, and by long years of peaceful association in the same communities; in short, by the fact that a large percentage of the Greeks lived under foreign rule, by the side of foreigners and with foreigners.

The Greek towns of Cyprus obeyed an Assyrian lord; Greek princes appeared at the court of King Assarhaddon and Assurbanipal; the towns of Asia Minor and Cyrene stood under Persian kings; Greek towns in Sicily recognised Carthaginian

supremacy. Greek troops had measured swords with the tribes of Asia Minor; with Egyptians, Assyrians, Libyans, Carthaginians, Iberians, Celts, Ligurians, Etruscans, with Italian tribes and Illyrians, Thracians, Scythians, and Persians. Greek mercenaries served in the seventh and sixth centuries in Babylonia, as a poem of Alcæus shows us, and on board the Euphrates fleet of Sennacherib; and also in Egypt, as the celebrated inscriptions written by mercenaries at Abu Simbel show us. Greek States concluded treaties with the kings of Lydia, with King Amasis of Egypt, with the Carthaginians, the Persian kings and Thracian princes, and with Italian tribes. On the peaceful paths of commerce the horizon of the Greeks extended to the northern coasts of Europe and the high lands of Central Asia. The Phoenician markets were supplied by the Ionian towns with slaves and mineral ores; the products of Miletus passed through Sybaris to Etruria; Illyrian tribes, as far north as Istria, received Greek merchandise; and the town of Epidamnus had a special official to transact business with the Illyrians. Greek art exercised "by reflex action" a strong influence on Phoenician art, whose terra-cotta figures in particular show a Greek character, Ionian curls, the archaic smile, and the Greek folds of the robe. Types like the Silenus type were simply adopted by the Phoenicians.

Croesus provided the pillars for the temple at Ephesus; Greeks wrought the magnificent presents which the Lydian kings Alyattes and Croesus offered to the temple of the Branchidae at Didyma, such as the silver bowl on a base of iron which the Ionian Glaucus made for Alyattes. The bowl of King Croesus, which held six hundred amphora, can hardly be regarded as a present to Delphi from that ruler; the probable history being that it was plundered from the temple of the Branchide and deposited in Delphi. But Ionian artists resided at Sardis. Mixed marriages between Lydians and Greeks were the order of the day; King Alyattes took an Ionian woman to wife, and a daughter of Alyattes was given in marriage to Melas of Ephesus. The poet Alcman, who developed Lydian music, was a native of the Lydian capital. Such facts explain the immense influence of Lydia on the Ionians. Xenophanes of Colophon blamed his countrymen for parading in Lydian luxury, with purple robes and gold ornaments in their carefully dressed hair. Hence the Lydian name of the garment which fell to the feet (Baooápa, signifying, perhaps, originally the second part of the ceremonial dress worn in honour of the god Bassareus - the fox-skin) passed into the Greek language (just as the Lydian KÚTаσσis, perhaps also cothurnus). A Lydian historian wrote his work in Greek.

Etruscans, Latins, Umbrians, Oscans, and Sabellians must have resided at Cuma in Lower Italy, and they introduced the Greek alphabet into their native districts. The fame of the Cumaan Apollo as a god of healing induced Rome to receive the god on the occasion of a severe pestilence, and to give a lasting recognition to the Sibylline books. Owing to a disastrous failure of the crops the Greek deities Demeter, Dionysus and Core made their entry into Rome and were accorded a temple, which was embellished by the Greek artists Damophilus and Gorgasus. The priestesses for the secret festivals of Demeter came from Campania; the introduction of the god Hermes and the founding of his temple (which was connected with a corn exchange) were associated with the import of corn from Lower Italy and Sicily; similarly the worship of Neptune, ruler of the sea, was due to the oversea trade with Greece. The philosophy of Pythagoras attracted

members of southern Italian tribes into its mystic circle. Greek legislature influenced the slow development of the Italian constitutions, but especially the criminal law of Rome. The struggle for written law was transferred from Greece to Italy, and political catch-words probably followed the same road. Greek art influenced Italian tribes and towns; Etruscan, like Lycian, artists must have studied in Greece, and Greek poems were translated into Etruscan.

Persia and Greece began at an early period to exchange the products of their civilizations. The palaces of the Persian kings were adorned not merely with the spoils of their victories over the Greeks, such as the brazen ram's-horns found at Susa in 1901 (which the Greeks cast from captured arms and had offered to Apollo of Didyma), and the statue of the god which Canachus of Sicyon had sculptured. The palaces at Susa must have been built and decorated by Greek artists. The name of one of these alone, Telephanes of Phocæa, who worked at the court of Darius, has come down to us; but their traces are visible in the whole style of Persian architecture, in the harmonious agreement between the interior and the façade, in the great audience-chambers and halls of columns (apadana), in the fluted pillars and their bases. In sculpture and painting the bold treatment of the dress and hair which, in spite of all similarity, is sharply differentiated from the Assyrian style, the drawing of the eye, the representation of the step, are all thoroughly Greek. Together with Greek artists, who must have been nearly akin to those of Ægina, numerous Greek works of art (Harmodius and Aristogeiton, Apollo) reached Persia, and in their turn served as models.

The lesser products of Persian art are equally Greek. The splendid amphora, of which two handles have found a resting-place in the Louvre and the Berlin Antiquarium, is, with its Ionic acanthus leaves and Persian winged ibexes, as completely Greek as the golden bowl of Theodoros of Samos, as the golden vine with the emerald-green grapes which shaded the throne of the Achæmenidæ, or the golden plane-tree, masterpieces which Antigonus Monophthalmos ordered to be melted down. Numerous gems were made by Greeks for Persians, in Oriental setting but with Greek designs. Thus on a cylinder of chalcedony, found at Kertch, Darius is represented chastising the rebel Gaumata, the latter in Grecian garb. Another gem exhibits a scene of ritual, a Persian queen entering the presence of a deity; her cloak is drawn as a veil over the back of her head in the Greek fashion. Hunting scenes, with Persian cuneiform inscriptions, point to Greek workmanship in the fidelity to nature with which the deer and trees are delineated. Indeed, the political disruption of the Greeks is strikingly expressed to us on one such Persian gem: a noble Persian holds two naked Greek prisoners fastened by a rope, and the guard of the prisoners appears as a Greek in full armour.

In other spheres, also, Greek culture was employed by the Persians. The Greek physician Democedes of Croton practised at the court of Darius, the first of a series of physicians in ordinary at the Persian court, and was sent on a journey of exploration. A Carian explorer, Seylax of Caryanda, used the Greek language to describe his travels, undertaken by the order of Darius, which included the courses of the Cabul River and the Indus down to the sea. Finally, this intimate intercourse increased the awe with which the Persian kings regarded the Greek gods. A strong proof of this is afforded by the well-known decree of Darius to

the governor Gadatas, expressing his royal dissatisfaction that taxes had been imposed upon the officials of the shrine of the Branchida. Three hundred talents of incense were offered to the Delian Apollo, and the most complete immunity was assured to all his subjects. Thus the every-day intercourse of Greece and Persia presents a quite different picture from that afforded by the Persian wars of traditional history.

Phrygian art also was stimulated by Greece. Façades in the style of the Greek temples took the place on the tombs of the native Phrygian façades with their Egyptian pylons and lions like those of Caria and Mycenae. The tombs of Ayazinu show us the increasing effect of Greek influence, until finally the façade on a tomb at Gherdek-Kaiasi bears all the characteristics of a Dorian temple.

But the Greeks did not live merely amongst foreigners and near foreigners; the Greek community included members who spoke alien tongues. The Greeks thus lived with foreigners on the closest terms of intercourse.

Scattered over the wide expanse of the Mediterranean, on the desert which fringes the highlands of Barca, on the fertile banks of the Rhone, on the slopes of Etna, in the hill country of Epirus, on the coasts of the Black Sea, and in the valley of the Nile the strangest types of city-state developed and adapted themselves to the country without faltering in their loyalty to their common home.

Prehistoric strata were preserved on completely Greek soil, as in Lemnos and Crete, down to the age of writing (witness the so-called Tyrrhene inscription from Lemnos and Eteocretan inscriptions from Praisos). The language of every-day life at Ephesus was permeated with Lydian, while the vernacular of Tarentum showed Italian elements; the town of Perinthus had a Thracian tribal division (Phyle); Bithynians of Thrace served the Byzantines as bondsmen, and Siculi were the serfs of Syracusan landholders. The petty townships of the peninsula of Athos were inhabited by a Thracian population, which was, however, so far Grecised that it employed Greek as the colloquial language; while in towns of what is now Southern France Iberian and Greek quarters existed, and from this region was diffused through the Greek world that influence of Northern, and especially Celtic, civilization which we are accustomed to term the La Tène culture (Vol. I, p. 173). The language, writing, and products of Greece were disseminated through purely Celtic regions. To this intercourse are due those imitations of Greek gods and letters on Celtic coins, which were prevalent from the mouth of the Seine to Bohemia, and on the commercial highway as far as the Lower Rhine and Northern Italy.

In Egypt the Greek enclaves, the Greek mercenaries of Daphne (Tell Defennet), and the Greek manufacturing and commercial town of Naucratis carried on a brisk trade with the Egyptians, in accordance with whose customs scarabaei were made and engraved, and with whose neighbourly assistance a whole cycle of GrecoEgyptian myths was formed. It was then that the pretty legend of the treasurehouse of Rhampsinitus (Vol. III, p. 674) originated, which throughout is not originally Egyptian, but an imitation of the legend of Trophonius and Agamedes, who built the treasury of King Augeias of Elis. The priests then adopted the legend of Proteus and the Egyptian king, who tore Helena away from Paris in order to restore her to her husband. This arrest of Paris in Egypt looks much like a frivolous travesty of the Greek legend. The festival of Perseus was celebrated at Chemmis with gymnastic contests in imitation of the Greek games; in

fact, the entire cycle of Delian myths is transplanted to Egypt, and a floating island was discovered there also. This mutual exchange of intellectual wealth between Greeks and Egyptians may account for the introduction of the bands and the annulets of the Doric columns which encircle the floreated Egyptian capitals. Pharaoh Necho, after the victory over King Josiah of Judah at Megiddo, dedicated his coat of mail to Apollo of Branchidae, and the earliest dated Greek inscriptions of 590-589 (mentioned on page 2) relate to an expedition of King Psammetichus II against Ethiopia, in which Greek mercenaries were engaged (cf. Vol. III, p. 684); they are engraved on the leg of a colossal Ramses in the splendid rock-temple of Abu Simbel far up in Nubia.

Amasis the Philhellene contributed to the rebuilding of the temple at Delphi, dedicated in the temple of Lindus a linen breastplate, in which every thread was woven out of three hundred and sixty strands corresponding to the days of the year in the old calendar, and sent presents to Sparta. In his reign the settlements of the Greeks were transferred from the Pelusiac arm of the Nile to Memphis and further, a place in the Delta; subsequently Naucratis (Vol. III, p. 686) was assigned to them, which was completely disconnected from the Egyptian State and received absolute self-government. The Greeks, faithful to their language, manners, and customs, erected there a central shrine, the Hellenion, for all their Egyptian colonies, which thenceforward multiplied more rapidly and extended far into the desert. The Samians had founded a factory in the great oasis of Uah el-Khargeh (seven days' journey from Thebes). We hear of the brother of the poetess Sappho as a wine-merchant in Naucratis; Alcaus, the poet, stayed in Egypt, while his brother distinguished himself in the service of Nebuchadnezzar. The foremost men of Greece either actually visited Egypt, or, according to the legend, drew wisdom from these newly opened sources. Solon and Pythagoras undoubtedly stayed in Egypt. At this period the terms for coarse linen (pwoowv and Tóßiov) and fine linen (ovdov), and linen tunics ornamented with fringes. (Kaλáσipis), found their way from Egyptian into Greek.

There were three strata of population in Epirus, Acarnania, and Ætolia: a Greek (Æolian or Thessalian), an Illyrian, and a Corinthian (or Northwest Greek) imposed one on the other, and these tribes were usually regarded by the Greeks as mixed nationalities. In fact, the strong Thraco-Illyrian strain among the Macedonians enabled the more exclusive spirits of old Greece to stigmatise the Macedonians as barbarians (Vol. IV, p. 297).

The numerous Carian names among the families of Halicarnassus show how strongly the original population was represented, while the naming of Milesians after the goddess Hecate illustrates the power of the Carian cult. The intimate union of races is proved by the fact that the fathers of Thales (Hexamyes) and of Bias (Teutamos), the uncle of Herodotus (Panyassis) undoubtedly, and his father (Lyxas) probably, bear Carian names, such as occur also in Samos (Cheramnes) and in Cos. A similar mixture of blood occurs in Greco-Libyan and GrecoThracian districts; Hegesypyle, wife of Miltiades, was a Thracian princess; Thucydides was descended from her father Olorus, and the two Dions and the historian Arrian had Thracian blood in their veins.

In the aristocratic and agricultural State of Lycia Greek settlers filled the rôle of a commercial and money-making middle class and disseminated a knowledge of the arts for which their native land was famous. Dynasts of Lycia