-Croatian advancement of culture, and that, in consequence, the Turk was unprogressive and wholly incompetent to rule over other nations. The Turkish state was founded. upon theocratic principles; the Koran formed at once its Bible and its legal code. If the subjugated peoples professed some other religion they could never be full citizens of the Osman Empire, but would be forced to remain in a position of subjection. Meanwhile in Western Europe civil law, as opposed to canon law, permitted members of other communions to become full citizens, so that subject races could more easily maintain their faith and become incorporated. In Turkey this was impossible. The Mohammedan alone was in possession of rights: the Christian rayah had no rights; his only guarantee for a better future was the downfall of the existing system, that is, of the Osman Empire. These remarks are true of modern Turkey. We can, then, well understand that the Christian population was ever waiting for the moment when they would be able to shake off the oppressive yoke of Turkey. If the burden became intolerable the nation emigrated in a body. The strength of religious fanaticism among the Turks, both in past and present times, may be judged from the fact that religion rules the whole social and political life and culture of Turkey, even at the present day. In point of numbers the Slavs were superior to the Turks. The empire swarmed with Mohammedans of Slav origin, serving in the army as well as in the official bodies. According to the testimony of Paolo Giovio (1531) and other competent authorities, almost the whole of the Janissary troops spoke Slav. Numerous Slavs rose to the position of vizier and grand vizier. Under Mohammed Sokolovič (Sokolli, p. 156) half the viziers were Slavs in the sixteenth century. Several Sultans were fully acquainted with the Slav language, and several chancellors issued Slav documents in Cyrillic writing. The Turkish Empire was, as is remarked by the Servian historian, Čed. Mijatović, on the road to becoming a Mohammedan-Slav Empire. A. AUSTRIA AND RUSSIA AS HELPERS IN TIME OF NEED THESE facts, however, did not improve the life of the Christian rayahs. For almost three centuries these races had groaned under the Turkish yoke. Help was only to be expected from without. The first gleam of hope for the subject races appeared between 1684 and 1686, when Austria under Charles of Lorraine (p. 163) repeatedly defeated the Turkish armies and occupied several provinces. At that time the court of Vienna conceived a great plan of playing off the Balkan peoples against the Porte, and entered into relations with the patriarch of Ipek, Arsen Cernojević, and with George Branković, who professed to descend from the old Servian royal family. Branković went to Russia with his brother in 1688 to collect money for the building of the Servian metropolitan church and to secure Russia's help for the war against the Porte; at the court of Vienna he was made viscount and then count. The Austrian commander-in-chief, Ludwig Wilhelm, margrave of Baden (p. 162), issued an appeal to the Slavs of Bosnia, Albania, and Herzegovina, to join him in war against the Turks. The Eastern Slavs had already given their favour to Austria, when the Vienna court seized the person of George Branković, who had already appointed himself Despot of Illyria, Servia, Syrmia, Moesia, and Bosnia, and imprisoned him first in Vienna, then in Eger, where he VOL. V-20 died in 1711. This action naturally disturbed the relations between Servia and Austria. However, the war of liberation was continued. Among the Eastern Slavs there was an old legend, that some day they would be freed from the Turkish yoke by a hero who would come riding upon a camel, accompanied with foreign animals. Utilising this legend, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, the general of the margrave of Baden, appeared among the Servian nations with camels, asses, and parrots, and called them to arms. In 1690 the emperor Leopold I again proclaimed that he would guarantee religious and political freedom "to all the Slav peoples of the whole of Albania, Servia, Illyria, Mysia, Bulgaria, Silistria, Macedonia, and Rascia," and again called them to arms against the Turks. In the same year thirty-six thousand Servian and Albanian families migrated from Servia under the leadership of the patriarch Arsen Černojević. From Belgrade they sent the bishop of Janopol, Jesaias Diaković, to the court of Vienna as the plenipotentiary of the "Community of Greek Raizes." The emperor issued the desired guarantees for the whole people and for the three Brankovićs in a special charter of liberties. Cernojević received a guarantee of his position as metropolitan " for the whole of Greece, Rascia, Bulgaria, Dalmatia, Bosnia, Janopol, Herzegovina, and over all the Serbs in Hungary and Croatia." The Serbs then passed over the Save and settled chiefly in Slavonia, Syrmia, and in some towns of Hungary; Karlstadt was chosen as the seat of the Servian patriarch. The privileges of these immigrants were often enough disputed by the Hungarian municipal, ecclesiastical, and political authorities, but were invariably confirmed by the imperial court, which took the Serbs under its protection. Supreme successes against the Osmans were secured when Prince Eugene of Savoy took the lead of the Austrian troops in July, 1697. The great victory of Zenta (p. 165) was the first indication of the fall of Turkish supremacy in Europe; henceforward the little state of Montenegro fought successfully against the Osmans. However, the first decisive effort was the Russo-Turkish war. Western Europe had long striven to induce Russia to take part in the struggle. Peter the Great was the first to take action in 1711, with that campaign which roused great hopes among the Balkan Slavs. At that date the first Russian ambassador, Colonel Miloradovic, a Herzegovinian by birth, of Neretva, brought to Cetinje a letter from Peter the Great, calling upon the Montenegrins to take up arms; he met with an enthusiastic reception. Thereupon Danilo Petrović Njegoš, the metropolitan and ruler of Montenegro (1697-1735), made a journey to Russia in 1715, received rich presents and promises of future support. Henceforward the Southern Slavs based their hopes rather upon their compatriots and co-religionists in Russia than upon Austria. However, the campaign of 1711 was a failure; and it was not until many years afterwards that Russia undertook a second advance, under Catherine II. In 1774 Russia secured a protectorate over the Danube principalities and over all the Christians of the Greek Church. Catherine again turned her attention to the warlike state of Montenegro and sent General George Dolgorukij to Cetinje in 1769. From 1788 to 1791 the Russian lieutenant-colonel Count Ivelič and the Austrian major Vukasović were working in Montenegro with similar objects. I. Georg Petrović, otherwise Czerny (Zrni) or Karageorge (" Black George "), * Dec. 21, 1762, in Wishevzi near Kragujevatz, of poor parents, † July 25, 1817. Alexis, 1801, † 1830 * 1827, † 1884 Alexis, 1859 (Bad Edlach) Married Helene (other names unknown), * 1765, † Feb. 8, 1842 Bošidar, 1861, and other Karageorgiević "princes" Helene, II. Obren of Brusnizza 1st wife, Wishnja * Dec. 16, 1888 2d wife, Theodore or Tesho, peasant Paul, *1892 Darinka Natalie, May 14, 1850, married Oct. 17, 1875 (separated 1888–93) Milan Obrenović IV (I), Alexander I, Aug. 14, 1876, Artemisia Milan Christić alias "Prince III. Petrović (names unknown) of the Njegos family Names unknown, Petrović Natalie * Oct. 11, 1882, married Prince Mirko of Montenegro, July 12, 1902 Peter I, Petrović Njegoš, Wladika 1785, canonized Names unknown Peter II Petrović, * 1813, 1830 Wladika, national poet, † Oct. 31, Danilo I, Petrović Njegoš, May 25, 1826, first complete temporal prince of Montenegro, March 21, 1852, to Aug. 13, 1860 * 1851 Mirko Petrović, Aug. 19, 1820, † July 20, 1867; married, Nov. 7, 1840, Anastasia Mardinović Helene, (* June 15, 1824, † Jan. 12, 1895) Nikita (Nicholas) I Petrović, * Oct. 7, 1841; prince from Aug. 14, 1860; married, Nov. 8, 1860, Milena Bukotić, May 4, 1847 Jan. 8, 1873; married, Jan. 24, 1896, Victor Emanuel III of Italy NOTE. In the names given above, ćtch, šsh. -Croatian B. THE WORK OF LIBERATION IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY Ar last the day of freedom began to dawn. Literature had everywhere prepared the way; as early as 1762, for instance, the monk Paysios of Mt. Athos had composed a chronicle recalling to all the Bulgarians the memories of their more glorious past, and stimulating them for the future; in 1806 sporadic revolts broke out. The Greeks, who were supported not only by Russia, but by the whole of Europe, founded unions. Among the Serbs, who were the first of all the Slav races to revolt (1804), the clergy had introduced the movement; the revolt was led by the brave Karageorg (cf. table I of the "Conspectus of the Karageorgievič," etc., facing this page). These movements, however, would have led to little result if Russia had not again defeated the Osmans. In the peace of Bucharest (1812) an amnesty was secured to the Serbs, with power of selfadministration. In the year 1817 Miloš Obrenovič (cf. genealogical table, II) was chosen prince by the Servian National Assembly. In 1821 Greece revolted under the leadership of Prince Alexander Ypsilanti. A further series of Russian victories obliged Turkey to conclude the peace. of Adrianople (1829), in which she recognised the independence of the principality of Servia, and of the kingdom of Greece in 1830. Thus by degrees arose those petty states which we now find in the Balkan Peninsula (see the map facing page 165). Apart from the Slavs of Dalmatia, who had been annexed to Austria in 1797 by the peace of Campo Formio, Bulgaria, Servia, and Montenegro now became more or less independent. In 1809 (1811) it even seemed that a new Slav kingdom might be founded on the Adriatic, namely, Illyria, the creation of Napoleon (see the map of Central Europe, Vol. VIII). Ragusa (p. 289) alone ceased to play an independent part. During the period of the French Revolution, Russians and French had struggled for its possession, and the latter had secured the town in 1806 by means of treachery. General Marmont, who spoke of Ragusa as "an oasis in the midst of the desert," resided here from 1807 to 1809 (as "Duke of Ragusa "). Napoleon, who was anxious to transform Ragusa into a great French harbour for the East, declared the dissolution of the republic on January 31, 1808. At a later date the people of Ragusa often manifested the desire to restore their old republic, but their lack of union checked their efforts. In 1814 General Theodore Milutinovič united Ragusa with Austria, an arrangement confirmed in the peace of Paris and at the Congress of Vienna in 1815. On the other hand, Montenegro, where Marmont also tried to exert his influence, clung to Russia. Relations between the two countries grew somewhat strained between 1807 and 1825 under Alexander I; under Nicholas I, however, conditions improved, and Montenegro even received the arrears of her subsidy. Peter II Petrović (cf. genealogical table, III), Vladika (1830 to 1851), who was consecrated in St. Petersburg, increased the dignity of the secular governor and administered the country himself. He erected schools and printing-presses, introduced a system of taxation, formed a guard of soldiers to be the nucleus of a standing army, and created a senate with twelve members; he also won some personal distinction as a poet. He was succeeded by his nephew, Danilo I (18511860), who secured the consent of Austria and Russia to his proclamation as an hereditary temporal prince, on March 21, 1852, and thus secularised his principality, |