THE CORONATION OF ALEXANDER I. OF POLAND AT CRACOW

IN THE YEAR 1501

The coronation of Alexander I., second son of the Jagellon Casimir IV., took place in the church of St. Mary at Cracow. The artist has skilfully chosen the moment when the crown is placed on the head of the chosen monarch, kneeling before the altar, by the Archbishop of Gnesen. On either side of the king kneel the Bishops of Posen and Cracow, who ranked immediately after the Archbishop in the ecclesiastical hierarchy of Poland, and who had to take part with him in the coronation ceremony. At the side of the altar stand three other prelates, perhaps the Bishops of Kujawien, Wilno and Plock. To the right, to the left, and in the centre stands a keeper of the regalia; one holds the sceptre, the other the orb, the third the sword. In the corner to the left stands a young priest with the cross. Further off, on the right side of the altar, stand the representatives of various religious orders. In the nave, in front of the altar, on the right, some ladies of rank are grouped; one, who stands apart, and slightly to the centre, in a separate space, seems to be the queen. The congregation appears below in the corner of the picture.

As the crown here differs from other representations thereof on the Polish monuments, and even on one of this same king, Alexander I., and as the grouping of all the bishops on one side of the altar was very unusual, we may conclude, both on these and on other grounds, that the artist was neither an eye-witness of the ceremony nor a cleric. For artistic reasons, he so arranged his picture that the left side was neglected, and everything was brought to the right. It is only thus we can explain the introduction of a portion only of the iron rood-screen on the right, whereas this must certainly have extended across the whole of the chancel, dividing it from the nave. Nevertheless, this interesting miniature is of great artistic and historic value.

TRANSLATION.

The order begins with the benediction, consecration and coronation of the king, when a new one is raised to the dignity by the clergy and people. But first, before issuing from his chamber, he shall be invested, the while the prayers given below are recited. Before his investiture shall be said:

"Why do the heathen rage" (Psalm ii. 1) and 'The fear of the Lord" (Proverbs xiv. 27) to the end, and after this he shall be robed. A tunic shall first be put upon him, and be shall say: That I may love justice" (Wisdom i. 1).

8. RUSSIA FROM 1260 TO HER ADMISSION AMONG THE GREAT POWERS (THE VOLGA AGE)

UNDER the Tartar supremacy the place of Vladimir (in the principality of Susdal) as the residence of the Grand Duke and the capital of Russia, was taken by Moscow, which lay to the west of it on the small river Moskva (vide maps in this volume). The Grand Dukes, as Nikolai M. Karamsin justly observes, while assuming the modest title of servants of the Khan, became gradually powerful monarchs. By this policy the way was paved for the rise of despotic power in Russia, and the princely house, in Moscow as formerly in Vladimir, had a definite aim before their eyes. They were responsible to the Khan for the maintenance of public order in Russia, assumed, as general agents of the Khan, the collection of taxes throughout Russia in order to be spared the torment of Tartar tax-gatherers, and thus were able to act unscrupulously towards their own subjects and other princes, and showed no mercy, since they received none themselves in Sarai. The other independent princes lost in prestige, and no less so the popular assemblies and the nobility. Every one from fear of the Mongol bowed before the Grand Dukes of Moscow. They drew from the farming of the revenue not merely financial but also political strength. The Tartar tribute was exacted by Moscow even when it was not necessary to pay it to the Tartars, and the people paid it without murmuring. Thanks to this circumstance, Moscow had always large sums of money at its disposal, and Russia in this way grew accustomed by the fourteenth century to see in it the capital of the country.

These princes of Moscow of the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries were unpleasing figures, harsh, selfish, and shrinking from no steps which led to power. It is a repugnant task in these modern times to read the accounts of the degradation and meanness of most of them in their dealings with the Mongols. But it was a political necessity, and we must not forget that feelings are out of place in politics. Lithuania and afterwards Poland were willing to form leagues with the Tartars against Russia, and actually did so. Only such unscrupulous, unfeeling but diplomatic rulers as the Muscovite were could have saved Russia in its helpless and desperate plight from the Mongols and other neighbouring

nations.

A. MOSCOW FROM DANIEL ALEXANDROVITCH TO WASILIJ II (1263–1463)

THE first known prince of Moscow was Michael the Bold (after 1248), younger brother of Alexander Nevski (p. 467). The true founder of the princedom was Nevski's son, Daniel (1263-1303), who had received Moscow as an appanage. He increased his territory, founded convents, encouraged trade, and made a good waterway on the Moskva. When he died in 1303 he left to his sons Jurij, Danilovitch (1303-1325), and Ivan (1328-1341) a compact territory, which they still further enlarged. Jurij was the first who, after the death of the Grand Duke Andrej Alexandrovitch of Vladimir, came forward in 1304 as a claimant of the grand ducal title; but his second uncle, Michael of Tver, had, as the eldest of the family, a better claim to it. Both went to their superior lord at Sarai and tried to defeat each other by bribery and intrigues. A civil war thus broke out between Moscow and Tver, which lasted almost thirty years, revealed startling

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depths of basenesss, and cost the life of several princes. Moscow eventually won. Jurij, who married in 1315 Kontchaka, the favourite sister of Uzbeg Khan, became Grand Duke. Ivan I, surnamed Kalita, from the purse which he wore in order to distribute alms, knew how to win over the Church and to induce the Metropolitan Peter of Vladimir to settle at Moscow; Theognost, Peter's successor, also resided in Moscow, which ranked as the capital after 1328. No Russian prince made so many journeys to the Horde as Kalita. He so completely won over the Mongols that they entrusted him with the government of the affairs of his kingdom, and even placed an army at his disposal. Peace reigned for years in Russia. The amalgamation of the two nations (cf. p. 469) made rapid strides. This wise policy was the more profitable since the mighty Uzbeg (1312-1340) then sat on the throne of Kiptchak. Kalita was himself a merchant prince and in favour of Uzbeg, and the wide expanse of the Mongol Empire helped the Russian trade. Ivan took upon himself the duty of levying the tribute from Russia.

The same policy was followed by his sons Simeon the Proud (Gordyi; 13411353) and Ivan II (1353-1359). Simeon (Semen) even ventured to assume the title "Grand Duke of all Russia." Other times had come. The Grand Duke had formerly been to all other princes "father" or " elder brother," now he was for all his relations "lord" (gospodin). All had to feel the weight of his hand. When Novgorod, which had become a dependency of Moscow, tried to gain freedom, it was punished with severity, and the obligation imposed on it that in the future the municipal officials should kneel barefooted before the assembly of the princes and entreat their mercy. We notice here the influence of Mongolian customs. But the necessity for this severity is shown by the reign of Simeon's brother Ivan II, whose weakness rendered insecure all the successes that had been achieved.

The position of Russia had meantime improved. While the Muscovite princes slowly united the Russian countries in their hands, the Mongol state began to break up. Some parts of the vast empire made themselves independent of Sarai under Khans of their own, the same process which had formerly ruined Russia. The son of Ivan II, Dmitrij Ivanovitch (1362-1389), was soon strong enough to defy the will of the Tartars and to govern in Russia as he thought best; in 1376 he actually made two petty Tartar princes his tributaries. When in the same year he conquered a governor of the able Manaj Khan, he exclaimed "God is with us; their day is over." But that was premature. Manaj collected an immense army, and at the same time concluded a treaty with the Lithuanian prince Jagiello (p. 496). Dmitrij also rallied many princes round him, and strengthened himself by prayer in the Church of the Assumption, before he rode to the battlefield. All felt keenly that a religious war impended. Manaj is said to have threatened to destroy all the churches and bring over Russia to Islam. The battle took place on the 8th of September, 1380, on the plain of Kulikovo (at the confluence of the Neprædva and the Don), and was decided in favour of Russia. Fifteen Russian princes were left on the field. Dmitrij received the surname of Donskoj, the Victor of the Don. On that very day Jagiello of Lithuania had been only a few miles away from the Tartars; his junction with Manaj would certainly have changed the result. The rejoicings at this first great victory were immense; Moscow, the new capital of Russia, thus received its baptism of war. Even if the Tartar yoke was far from being shaken off by this, it was yet seen that the Russians in their long servitude had not forgotten how to draw the sword for freedom and honour. They

had now learnt that the Mongols were not invincible; and their courage and character were increased.

Not the less important for the unification of Russia was the enactment of Dmitrij, by which primogeniture became the law of the land. The eldest son of the Grand Duke, not the eldest of the stock, was henceforward to succeed his father. By this law, of which we have no details, the family disputes of the ruling house were not indeed completely ended, but, happily for Russia, were restricted. The son of Donskoj, Vas(s)ilij I Dmitrijevitch (1389-1425), now succeeded in accordance with this law of succession.

Under Vasilij's successor, Vasilij II Vasilijevitch (1425-1462), a dispute once more broke out between the supporters of the old rule of "Seniority" and the new rule of "Primogeniture." Jurij Dmitrijevitch was opposed to the grandson of Dmitrij Donskoj, the uncle to the nephew (see genealogical table at page 452). The ambassador sent from Moscow saved the cause of his master at Sarai by a speech which throws a flood of light upon the situation. "All powerful Czar," so Vsevoloshkij in 1431 addressed Ulugh Mahmet, "allow me to speak, who am the Grand Duke's slave. My master, the Grand Duke, solicits the throne of the Grand Duchy, which is entirely thy property, without any other claim thereto but through thy good will, thy consent, and thy warrant. Thou disposest of it as thou thinkest fit. The prince Jurij Dmitrijevitch, his uncle, on the other hand, claims the Grand Duchy, according to the enactment and last will of his father, but not as a favour of thy omnipotence." The speech did its work; the Khan commanded that Jurij should henceforward lead his nephew's horse by the bridle. "Thus the prize in this contest of humility was assigned to the prince of Moscow." At Vasilij's coronation (such ceremonies have always taken place at Moscow since that day) a Mongolian Baskak was present. Vladimir, the old capital, now lost the last trace of its glory. The war between uncle and nephew was continued in spite of the decision of the Khan. It was then seen how dependent the people were on their prince. When Vasilij, ousted by his uncle, had Kostroma (Kolomna) assigned him as residence, the Muscovites left their city in crowds and joined him at Kostroma; the uncle, who could not maintain his position in Moscow, now voluntarily withdrew. And when Vasilij II entered Moscow for the second time, the people thronged round him "like bees round their queen," says a chronicler. He died, blinded in 1446 by a son of Jurij (hence called Temnyi), on the 17th of March, 1462.

B. THE UNIFICATION OF RUSSIA UNDER IVAN III TO IVAN IV (1462–1584)

THE fall of the Tartar power rendered the consolidation of Russia possible. The unerring persistent policy of the Muscovite princes was destined to bear good fruit. Their aim was to shake off the Tartar yoke and to "join" all formerly Russian countries, that is to say, to reunite them in one empire. Ivan III (14621505), who now mounted the throne as "sole monarch," his son Vasilij III (15051533), and his grandson Ivan IV (1533-1584), surnamed the Terrible (see the plate facing page 519), effected this junction of Russia, although they were the reverse of heroic soldiers.

(a) Ivan III.— Ivan III, the most important among them, was the model of a Susdalian and Muscovite ruler, a cold, heartless, and calculating statesman. His