ing duty now devolved upon him, of proposing as secretary for the ensuing year, a gentleman whose qualifications were well known to them all. It would be readily understood that he alluded to Mr. Blount; and little remained for him to say. But if the most unwearied zeal, undoubted honour, inflexible integrity, and transcendent talent, were necessary for that situation, then was Mr. Blount well calculated for it: added to which, he had the good fortune to possess the confidence of the whole Catholic body. He therefore moved, That Edward Blount, Esq., be requested to act as secretary to this Association for the ensuing year.

It was seconded by Lord Stafford, and carried unanimously.

The following resolutions were then passed:

"That the thanks of the British Catholic Association are due, and are hereby given, to Marlow Sidney, Esq. for the services rendered by him, in the management of their funds, during the time he held the office of treasurer.

"That Edward Blount, Esq., be appointed treasurer to this Association.

"That Mr. William Witham, Mr. Fitzgerald, and Mr. Ireland, be appointed auditors of the Association accounts, and that they audit the same four times in the year, and make their report to each quarterly open meeting.

Mr. GRADY congratulated the Meeting on this appointment; because, although it was very far from his intention, to impute to the committee the smallest defalcation, yet he certainly disapproved of their stating their items in round numbers. He did not doubt that these round sums were correct; but he had heard whispers elsewhere, and he thought that an association in the receipt of so limited an income as £700 or £800 a year, ought to descend to shillings and pence. He repeated, that he had no charge to make against any individual: if he had, he would state it boldly and fearlessly. In the observations he had made, he had neither private

policy, nor private pique, to gratify, but was influenced solely by a sense of public dnty.

Mr. QUIN said, that the learned gentleman really seemed to understand nothing of the matter. In the books upn the table, every disbursement, even to the fraction of a penny, would be found. He advised him to look them over, to carry them home, if he pleased, for examination, but not to indulge in such insinuations.

Dr. COLLINS deeply regretted that the learned gentleman, should give currency to such misrepresentations. They were insinuations without authors; and it would be more prudent and more honourable to trample them under foot, than to mention them in a manner which must prove highly mischievous,

Mr.GRADY explained that he had adopted the most ready course for repelling those insinuations, if they were really groundless.

Mr. BLOUNT read several items from the Petty Cash Book, such as carriage of parcels, postages, &c. to prove that the accounts were accurately kept.

now

Mr. RossoN then said, that he had a resolution to propose, which could not fail to awaken feelings of the most painful regret. Since their last annual Meeting, they had had the misfortune to lose one of their most liberal and distinguished political friends, the late Bishop of Rochester. This loss was the more severely felt, as there was among the class to which he be longed, only one friend to liberality -one who stood like a single tree in a cleared forest-the venerable Bishop of Norwich. He was greatly fearful that a long time would elapse, before they saw another friend seated on that Right Rev. bench. would not trust himself to speak of that late excellent prelate, or the virtues which distinguished him; suffice it that he was the bosom friend and associate of Burke, of Rockingham, and all the master spirits of their day. But he was gone: and this melancholy fact he could not more eloquently describe, than

He

by reading the following extract from a letter, which he had received from William Leigh, Esq., of Bardon, near Taunton, dated April 17th, 1827.

"Late in the evening of the 16th February last, I conversed with his Lordship for the last time-little expecting, although he was manifestly becoming weak and infirm, that I should, on the 20th, have to deplore the loss of one of the inost valuable and affectionate friends I ever had. We talked of the then approaching discussion of the question of Catholic Emancipation. His whole mind was intent upon it; and he entered into the subject with so much fervour, that his excellent lady checked us, under the too well founded apprehension, that the energy of his mind was overbalancing his bodily strength. He has not left behind him a more zealous supporter of that great question; and the support of such a man, brought up in the school of the Marquis of Rockingham, and the bosom friend of Burke, would have been, in itself, of value to any cause, even less surrounded by justice than this. Better days seem to be dawning upon you; may they brighten into full splendour."

Mr. Rosson then read the following resolution.

Resolved-That, deeply impressed with sorrow for the loss we have sustained in the death of the late Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Rochester, we avail ourselves of this numerous meeting, to declare our high sense of the benefits conferred upon our cause by his powerful support, during his long and invaluable life; and to pay a just tribute of our lasting gratitude to the memory of a prelate who, seated amongst brethren, with one illustrious exception, hostile to our claims, displayed the true spirit of christian charity, no less than a profound political sagacity, by a steady advocacy of an enlightened policy; and with Edmund Burke, and the master spirits of his time, felt strongly the gross injustice, of excluding millions of fellow subjects from the privileges of citizens, and an equal interest in the

constitution in which they were born, because they claim the sacred right of worshipping God according to their consciences.

That the secretary, Edward Blount Esq. be requested to enter this declaration on the journals of the Association; and transmit a copy thereof, with a suitable letter, to the son of the late lamented prelate.

Dr. COLLINS seconded the resolution. Nothing, he said, was more becoming in any class of men, than gratitude for benefits received. Notwithstanding their difference in faith, as a member of the Association he felt grateful to the deceased prelate, and as a clergyman he respected him. He could only add the deep expression of his sorrow, for the heavy loss they had sustained.

The resolution was carried unanimously.

The Hon. EDWARD PETRE then moved an adjournment.

They

Mr. QUIN seconded the motion. He stated that at one of the most numerous and respectable meetings of the committee that had ever assembled, it had been strongly recommended that they should, on this occasion, abstain from any discussion on the present state of politics as regarded Catholic affairs; a recommendation, in the propriety of which he most cordially concurred. were all aware of the recent change in the Ministry; and, being so, they could, as well as himself, form their judgments as to the probable conse quences of that change; he would not now venture an opinion on the subject. He, however, understood that it was the intention of a most respectable gentleman, to propose an amendment to the resolution now before the Meeting; and he entreated that gentleman not to press it, as it must of necessity induce a protracted discussion. He firmly believed that, from the change that had occurred in the administration of the country, they had every thing to hope; and that any discussion of their affairs now, would be premature and improper. (Several persons in the room exclaimed " give the Ministers time.") That was

exactly what he (Mr. Quin) wanted. It would be unfair to say that the new Ministry were unworthy of the confidence of the Catholics, because they had not yet been tried; and therefore he would offer a truce to his respected friend: but if that gentleman still urged his amendment, he should most certainly think it his duty to divide the meeting upon the question. Nothing could be more impolitic, at the present moment, than to provoke discussions which must inevitably tend to embarrass their friends.

Mr. CANNING said.-I am anxious not to occasion embarrassment to the present administration by prematurely urging a discussion of our claims; an administration formed, in great part, of persons who had always avowed themselves most anxious to support our cause. I, therefore, entirely approve of the forbearance hitherto exercised by Catholics, both in England and Ireland, towards the present ministers, and our friends in Parliament, who have pretty generally promised to support them. The foreign policy of the person at the head of the Adninistration I most highly approve. He has crushed that atrocious conspiracy against the rights and liberties of mankind, and the independence of nations, impiously called the Holy Alliance: had the minister done only this single act it would make me feel an inclination to support the administration, for to the principles upon which that wicked compact was established, I ever have, and ever shall be opposed to those principles I will say, as far as my feeble means will allow me, pestis ero vivens. Delicacy to those who have always stood forward in the cause of civil and religious liberty, as well as a just consideration of our own interest, I think have rendered the course which the Catholics have hitherto pursued, both just and proper. The conduct of some of the most virulent of our opponents is a strong corroboration of the propriety of the plan which has been adopted. Men who obviously wished to defeat our claims, men, the object of whose lives has been to

crush us to the earth, men, who have shewn themselves invariably hostile to every kind of liberty upon every occasion, had come forward to urge the immediate consideration of our claims, certainly for no other reason than because they thought they had a better chance of defeating them now, than they ever would again possess. Therefore, I say, I think we have acted wisely in abstaining from urging any discussion of our claims during the present session. But I think the time is now come, when we ought to declare what our future conduct will be, after the termination of the present session. This is the last time we shall meet in public and open assembly before that event takes place: this is the general annual meeting of the Association: from the proceedings of this meeting our friends in Parliament, and in the administration, as well as the Catholic body at large, will naturally expect to learn, what the feelings, and what the intentions of the Association are. in the present new crisis of its affairs. A public declaration, at this moment, of cur future line of conduct, so far from evincing any want of delicacy towards our parliamentary friends, would be an act of justice to them. The administration is now definitively formed, and I think it has a right to know what our future proceedings will be. Most willingly would I indulge the hope that the ministers themselves would render all further proceedings on our part unnecessary, by proposing, as a cabinet measure, the repeal of every law which in any manner restricts the exercise of the most perfectreligious freedom. Would they but do this, the warmest thanks and everlasting gratitude of millions of Roman Catholics and of Protestant Dissenters in the United Kingdom, and the unbounded applause and admiration of every liberal mind throughout the world would be their immediate and just reward. Unfortunately, I fear we are precluded from indulging the pleasing hope that religious liberty will be made a cabinet measure; but I do hope, that in return for the forbearance we have shewn, some of our friends, with the

avowed sanction of that portion of the cabinet which has ever professed a warm and sincere attachment to the sacred cause of civil and religious liberty, will not allow the first day of the next session to close, without giving notice of their intention to bring forward a motion to break the chains with which we have been so long bound, and let all who now suffer for consciencesake, into the full and free enjoyment of all the advantages of the British Constitution. This I think we have a right to expect. I said the Catholic body at large would expect to learn what our intentions are as to our future conduct. Although, undoubtedly, we are not the representatives of any portion of Catholics beyond our own body, nevertheless acting as we profess to do, and as we ever have done, for the general benefit of the Catholics, indeed the association is formed for no other purpose, I certainly think it incumbent upon us to inform the Catholics at large what our future mode of conduct will be; whether we shall continue to leave the prosecution of our claims entirely to the good faith, and to the discretion of our friends in Parliament, during another session; or whether we shall say that some limit ought to be put, even to the best founded confidence. For my own part, I should say that both in principle and expediency we ought to adopt the latter alternative. A leading principle in conducting all business in private life is, that the person most interested in such business, should attend to it himself, and however well grounded his confidence may be in the persons who professionally or otherwise transact his business, ever to superintend the management of it himself; and this mode of conduct is never considered as in the least degree reflecting upon the honour or character of the persons employed. Now this seems to me directly to apply to Catholic affairs. God forbid that I should for a moment doubt the honour or integrity of such men as Lords Holland and Lansdown, of Sir F. Burdett, or Lord Nugent, and many others, of their anxious wish to see the rights of conscience, in the most unlimited sense of the

expression established; but I am sure those honourable men are the last who would wish us to give up the management of our own affairs. Indeed, I can easily conceive circumstances to arise in which they would think it most advantageous to our cause, and in which it would be most agreeable to their own feelings, that we should come forward and urge a fresh discussion in Parliament of our claims. Under other circumstances they may perhaps think that instead of a petition to Parliament, other steps ought to be taken by the Catholics. Allthis is left entirely open by the resolution I propose. It states no particular line of conduct which we ought to pursue; it only pledges us to a continuance of exertion to promote the success of our cause. It may perhaps be said, that in this view of the subject, the resolution is unnecessary, as from the ground on which the association is founded, it is obvious that we mean to prosecute our claims to this I answer, that if such be the case, and such unquestionably is the fact, it can do no harm publicly to declare it; and if only a single Catholic living in the country, at a distance from the scene of politics, should wish to have his mind relieved from doubt by such a declaration of our intentions, it is our duty to make it. It appears therefore to me, that worded as the resolution is, it can do no harm by giving just cause of offence to any individual, or any body of men, who have ever professed themselves our friends and on the other hand, it may do good by demonstrating to both friends and enemies, that we never will allow the question to sleep; and by convincing the Catholics at large, that they will ever find us vigilant at our post, ready to profit of every opportunity to promote the interests of every portion of them, by effecting the repeal of every law which in any manner imposes restrictions or disabilities upon them on account of their conscientious adher ence to the religion of their ancestors. Upon these grounds I venture to propose the resolution which I now hold in my hand.

"That we have abstained, since the

last discussion of the Roman Catholic claims in the House of Commons, from taking any steps to bring those claims under the notice of either house of Parliament; and that we shall continue the same forbearance during the remainder of the present session, in order to avoid any embarrassment, which their discussion might occasion to the present administration, formed as we flatter ourselves this administration is, upon the principles of a liberal and enlightened policy. We willingly cherish the hope that some of those persons now in power, who had hitherto avowed themselves the uncompromising friends of civil and religious liberty, will render it unnecessary for us to make any further application to Parliament on the subject, by voluntarily coming forward at the opening of the next session, and proposing the repeal of every law which in any manner infringes the constitutional right of every British subject in these realms, to worship God according to the dictates of his conscience, without being subjected on that account to any civil pains, penalties, or disabilities what

soever.

"We nevertheless think it due to ourselves, and to the numerous Catholics of Great Britain, whose good opinion and whose confidence, it is our first wish to deserve and to obtain, as well as to the principles upon which we have hitherto acted, solemnly to declare upon the present occasion, that, if in this our just expectation we should be disappointed, we will never again desist from urging our claims, either by petition to Parliament, or in any other constitutional mode we may deem advisable, until every vestige of the cruel, unjust, and persecuting laws, under which we suffer, shall have ceased to exist, except as an historical document of the bigotry of past times, and as a warning beacon to future generations of the wickedness, as well as of the folly, of enacting human laws to punish a concientious discharge of religious duties."

Mr. WHEBLE seconded the amendment, when a very long debate ensued, in which Mr. Rosson, Mr.

Grady, Mr. Quin, Mr. Eyston, Mr. Therry, Mr. Blount, Dr. Collins, and the Hon. Edward Petre, took part. Every Gentleman, with the exception of the mover and seconder, and Mr. Grady, energetically opposed the amendment, as calculated to evince a distrust in their friends, embarrass the administration, and further the views of the party at present opposed to the government. Our limits preclude the insertion of the speeches at length; but we give the following, as indicating the sentiments of speakers generally.

MR. THERRY on rising said, that he hoped he would experience that indulgence usually extended towards new members in public assemblies :he was the youngest member of the association, as indeed he had become one only within the last hour: He was principally induced to do so from his desire of having an opportunity to reply to a gentleman, (Mr. Grady) whose sentiments were neither in unison with those of that body, or (indeed he might say) of a similar association, of which he (Mr. T.) was a member-the Catholic Association of Ireland. That learned gentleman in the early part of the day's proceedings, as he had been pleased to say by way of cure and remedy, had lent hi mself to the circulation of a calumny against the committee of the association, in attributing a neglect and insinuating a deficiency in their accounts. Against the poisonous effect of that calumny, an antidote was provided by the manly, explicit, and satisfactory explanation of the mode of keeping their accounts by the Hon. Secretary, Mr. Blount. The learned gentleman not content with this, suggested a most mischievous advice, if a fresh antidote against it were not supplied in the good sense and intelligence of the association, the injury that might be done would be great, perhaps irreparable, of course he spoke of the effect not of the intention of his advice. The learned gentleman commenced by stating, that we should petition immediately, this was an advice which (if adopted) would be manifestly most injurious to Catholic interests. What! were we