a comparatively small number and enormously increased the number of arrests for infractions of the Prohibition Law. If his campaign to end the notorious wetness of Philadelphia largely failed, it is because of the antagonistic attitude of the magistrates in general. In his attempt to enforce a law objectionable to a noisy minority he had real and emphatic popular support.

Mayor W. Freeland Kendrick, himself a product of Philadelphia's political machine, stood between the General and the bosses.

There is no doubt that Mr. Kendrick wished to make a good record. When the General, however, produced evidence seeming to involve two or three of Philadelphia's largest hotels, the Mayor, as the General put it, found himself in a "jam." He needed, of course, on the one hand, the support of the great mass of Philadelphia's voting population who live in two-story houses, and whose hero was General Butler; but, on the other hand, with the proposal to padlock big hotels he was confronted with some very powerful financial interests. The Mayor was between two millstones. Curiously enough, it was the General himself who provided him with a way to slip

out.

(C) Underwood

General Smedley D. Butler

tendent Mills, another appointee of General Butler's.

Two conclusions can be drawn from

the record of General Butler in Philadelphia. One is that a determined and incorruptible Chief of Police can enforce, not only ordinary law and order, but the Prohibition Law, if he has the decent backing of the courts. The other is that if a politician does not want a job to be done thoroughly, honestly, and to the limit, he had better not ask a Marine to do it.

Wilson's Birthday

It was a poor enough way, to be sure, one that is lined with political perils. Believing that the Mayor wished him to remain in Philadelphia two years longer, in spite of their several open disagreements, the General, whose two-year leave of absence from the Marines was nearing its end, wrote a resignation from the Ma-F rine Corps and sent it to Washington. The Mayor, seizing this as a Heaven-sent opportunity, promptly dismissed the General, declaring that he did not want a "resigned officer" in charge of the police. What this amazing statement means no one has explained.

The General, who has a disconcerting way of saying what he thinks, immediately put down a regular barrage. If he publishes his diary of the last two years, as he proposes, there may well follow the downfall of several notable politicians.

In fairness to the Mayor, it should be recorded that he has appointed as General Butler's successor George W. Elliott, whom General Butler had chosen and trained as Assistant Director of Public Safety, and that he has retained in the direct command of the police Superin

Woodrow Wilson had lived, he would have been sixty-nine years old on Monday of last week. In more than five hundred towns and cities of this country and in several foreign lands there were gatherings on that day to do honor to his memory and to expound and uphold his ideals. Probably the most noteworthy of these assemblies was that of about one thousand men and women who sat down to dinner together at the Hotel Astor in New York.

After speeches by Norman H. Davis, former Under-Secretary of State in the Wilson Administration, who presided, Dr. Harry A. Garfield, President of Williams College, and Dr. Robert Norwood, the new rector of St. Bartholomew's Church, the diners at New York saw a spotlight directed to one side of the ballroom and in its glare the entering figure of Ignace Jan Paderewski. Introduced of Ignace Jan Paderewski. Introduced

as the greatest of living pianists and a genius as a statesman, the former Prime Minister of Poland delivered an eloquent and genuine tribute to the late President of the United States, with whom he had been associated during the Paris Peace Conference. He explicitly disclaimed any purpose of discussing American political issues, but he declared that Woodrow Wilson belonged not only to America but to the world. Especially, said Mr. Paderewski, Poland could never forget the man who had lifted her into independence.

To Woodrow Wilson he ascribed virtually all that was hopeful in the present situation in Europe. He took as an example the pact of Locarno. This, he said, he had heard described as the greatest event since the Armistice. From this view of Locarno he expressed strong dissent. The achievement at Locarno, he believed, consisted in the admission of Germany into the League of Nations. Suppose, argued Mr. Paderewski, that a great medical scientist had discovered a cure for tuberculosis, and that a great majority of other medical scientists had accepted the cure as authentic, but that a few eminent medical men had withheld their approval. Suppose then that one of the most important of these dissenters, perhaps because he himself was a victim of this disease and sought the cure for himself, accepted the judgment of the majority. Would we say that the conversion of this one medical man was more important than the discovery itself?

Mr. Paderewski's argument was based on the assumption that the significant fact at Locarno was the admission of Germany into the League of Nations, which would settle, according to its Covenant, any possible dispute between Germany and other Powers. Acceptance of Mr. Paderewski's conclusion rests upon the acceptance of his assumption. To others there seem to have been greater achievements at Locarno than that which Mr. Paderewski mentioned.

was that of Dr. Norwood in which he spoke of the Republican Party as being guilty in dealing with the integrity of Woodrow Wilson's soul.

No mention was made by any one on this occasion of any of Mr. Wilson's domestic policies. It was solely his doctrines in international affairs that the speakers discussed. In the sphere of world politics he was extolled as one who had caught the vision of ultimate world peace and brotherhood.

There is danger to the future historic position of any man in untempered praise. For many years Washington ceased to be a human being because the really human man that he was had been plastered over with the ideas of those who thought they were doing him honor. And any public man whose words are treated as Scripture to be cited in proof of some doctrine will be sure to suffer, as Lincoln has suffered, through injury to his real and lasting influence. Admirers of any American leader, be it Wilson, or Roosevelt, or any other man, can best serve his memory by keeping him hu

man.

Masonry and Catholicism

HER

ERE is a reply to a Catholic critic of Don C. Seitz's article on "Jews, Catholics, and Protestants." The critic, John F. Gilroy, said in a letter which we published in our issue of December 16: "We have the kindest feelings towards the Masons, we look on many of them as our best friends and differ from them only in religion. Many times have I heard in Catholic clubs, Knights of Columbus councils, and Holy Name Societies the Masons referred to as our separate brothers. Is there anything unfriendly in that?"

Another correspondent in Cleveland wonders how this statement by Mr. Gilroy can be squared with a news item which he found in the "New Age," a monthly magazine issued to Scottish Rite Masons in the Southern jurisdiction. The item as quoted by him

reads:

Knights of Columbus and Masons Don't Mix:-The sudden collapse of the Hamilton-Jefferson movement carries lessons that all may discern. It will be remembered that few months ago a group of Masons and Knights of Columbus in Utica, N. Y., organized this society to be composed of Masons. and Roman Catholics, fifty-fifty, to combat bigotry, so it was explained,

and to promote fraternity among American citizens of all creeds. The organization attracted much newspaper attention because it was asserted that Elihu Root was deeply interested in it. Newspaper editorials all over the nation hailed the new association with encomiums upon the beauties of toleration and brotherly love.

But the auspicious beginning became clouded and the whole project came to grief when the hierarchy of the Church made known its unmitigated disapproval.

Cardinal O'Connell's official organ, "The Pilot," Boston, denounced the whole proceeding as a "contemptible compromising of eternal, essential principles." Said the editorial: "Cheap fraternizing with Freemasonry on the part of Catholics is tantamount to unmanly and unworthy compromise of their precious Christian heritage. Such fraternizing should cease."

The responsibility for this spectacular fiasco rests wholly with the hierarchy. The movement, so we were informed, originated with and was. sponsored by Roman Catholics, both the president and secretary being members of the Knights of Columbus.

So it cannot be said that the Masons were laying some deep conspiracy to entrap the credulous Romanists. The initiative was wholly Catholic.

It looks as if there had been a dis

agreement in policy between Catholics who understand our American ideals and Catholics who believe that the interests of their Church should be paramount. The liberal Catholics seem to have lost out in the contest. Cardinal O'Connell seems to be doing all that he can to force America to answer "no" to the frequent question, "Will America ever elect a Catholic President?"

A Bonus for Delay

A

LOCOMOTIVE engineer in our issue of December 23 gave a graphic account of the abuse of the principle of overtime pay by the crews of freight trains. He showed distinctly the great burden which this system of payment laid upon the shoulders of both the railroads and the shippers. Comments which the President of the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fé Railway system makes upon this article ought to be of great interest to business men. He writes:

On the whole Mr. Leonard presents the facts very clearly and forcibly. It should be pointed out, however, that the time-and-a-half basis of pay for overtime in road freight service is one of the things foisted on the roads during the period of Federal control

which they would be very glad t shake off if they could. It is our feel ing, however, that nothing short of Nation-wide strike or the force of uniformly aroused public opinion wil ever accomplish anything in this direc tion; and until this method of com pensation is done away with it seem to us that a bonus payment for saving time on an established schedule, a suggested by Mr. Leonard, will not b worth while, for the reason that it is s much easier to slow up than speed up In other words, so long as there re mains any form of bonus payment fo indifferent work there is little or no in centive for expediting the movement.

Mr. Mills C. Leonard, who runs locomotive for the Pennsylvania Ra road, and Mr. William B. Story, wh runs the whole Atchison, Topeka, an Santa Fé system, seem to agree as to t existence of an evil. Can the railroa and the public be aroused to the point forcing the evil to be remedied?

Airplanes and the Arctic

TH

HERE is a point in the Arctic region which is farther removed than an other point from each and all places a cessible to ships. To this point no a venturer has attained or tried to attai It has been called (not very exactly, w think) a Pole, and Stefansson describes as the Pole of Relative Inaccessibility This point is 84° north and 160° wes but in the days of Arctic exploration b ship and sledge it was far more difficu to reach or to retreat from than th North Pole at 90° latitude, no longitud

Now the airplane has changed the si uation. The distance from Point Ba row, Alaska, to Spitzbergen across th vast area of ice and possibly land in th midst of which exists this geographica and purely mathematical Pole is n greater than that from Newfoundland t Ireland, traversed six years ago b Alcock in an airplane, about 1,900 miles Since then, it need not be said, the im provement in airplanes and air engine has been notable. Stefansson and othe experts think the flight quite feasible and believe also that there would be good chance of discovering land and get ting valuable geographical data.

An experienced Australian aviator and explorer, Captain George Wilkins, wh has made some remarkable flights, wil head the expedition. He hopes to fly two large planes carrying supplies from Fair banks, the Alaskan railway terminus, to Point Barrow, his long-distance starting

Courtesy of the New York "Herald Tribune"

point. Captain Wilkins's confidence in what seems to laymen a desperate venture is seen in his statement, "Our flight will be made with the understanding that if our plane fails to reach Spitzbergen or return to Point Barrow, no rescue expe'dition will be sent out for at least two years." This means, doubtless, that it is thought possible to make landings and in case of need to subsist as the Eskimos do. The MacMillan expedition did not find it easy to make ice landings.

The enterprise is sponsored and managed by the American Geographical Society, the Detroit Aviation Society, and the North American Newspaper Alliance. The fact that Mr. Henry Ford's general manager, Mr. William B. Mayo, is the head of the expedition's Board of Control is generally taken as an indication that Mr. Ford is backing the attempt financially. President Coolidge has written a letter expressing keen personal interest and remarking that "the importance to commercial aviation and the possible development of air routes across the Arctic region make the proposed enterprise of particular value."

Japan in Manchuria

JA

APAN has again emphasized her policy of maintaining a special position in Manchuria. By reinforcing her garrison at Mukden and assuming control in the capital city and strengthening her guards along the South Manchurian Railway she practically intervened in the civil war between Marshal Chang Tso-lin, the Military Governor of the three Manchurian provinces, and General Kuo Sung-lin, who was challenging his power with some apparent chances of success. The Japanese authorities warned the leaders to keep the fighting at least six miles from Mukden. Japan's moves are reported to have checked plans for a revolt against Chang at Mukden and to have cut his opponents off from possible bases of supply, and so to have contributed to the defeat of Kuo, who was captured, tortured, and killed.

Japan has the technical right, under the Portsmouth Treaty, which ended her war with Russia, to bring her garrison at Mukden up to 15,000 men. She also contends that her action was based on requests from the foreign consuls in

Mukden to keep order in the city. Nevertheless it has further significance in her economic interests.

Japan controls the South Manchurian Railway from Changchun, in central Manchuria, to the port of Dairen (formerly the Russian Dalny). The main line and branches make altogether about seven hundred miles. A great part of it has been built up under Japanese organization. The Japanese have opened up deposits of coal never before touched and have been reported to be mining at the rate of ten million tons a year, with modern electrical machinery and transport. In addition, all along the lines of the South Manchurian Railway the Japanese have established industries, such as soy-bean mills, textile mills, and a steel foundry. South Manchuria has become. agriculturally and industrially more prosperous. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese farmers and laborers have migrated and settled there, but comparatively few Japanese. Japan has been concerned in Manchuria, not as a field for colonization, but as a means of contributing to the support of her crowded population at home.

This

A new branch of the South Manchurian system has been under construction, from Taonanfu, in central western Manchuria, to Tsitsikar, a station on the Chinese Eastern Railway, built through northern Manchuria by Russia. new branch was started under agreement with the Government of Fengtien Province that is to say, with Chang Tso-lin; and, it was reported, the South Manchurian Railway advanced 18,800,000 yen for the construction, to bear interest at the rate of 92 per cent, and that the principal materials were to be purchased in Japan. This line, upon completion, would come into competition for traffic from northern Manchuria with the Chinese Eastern Railway, in which Russia is interested. It would have the advantage of providing a direct route to the ice-free port of Dairen, one hundred miles shorter than the present route over the Chinese Eastern line by way of Harbin, and without the necessity of transshipment of goods at Changchun from the Chinese Eastern to the South Manchurian line, now due to the difference of gauge between the two lines. The prospect that completion of the new Japanese-controlled branch from Taonanfu to Tsitsikar will cut into the business of the Russian-built line already has caused

The Outlook years ago. In his own chosen sphere of marine painting he had no equal. Many of his works are at the Naval Academy, and mural decorations from his brush were placed in several war-ships.

There was a patriotic and heroic spirit in his work which pervaded also his special correspondence in the Spanish War and which prompted him to write special articles on the duty of providing naval defense and for the better understanding by the people of navy men and naval affairs. Several of these articles appeared in The Outlook.

and demolishing periodicals and newspapers, and died possessed of a fortune estimated at forty million dollars. It was the life of an ambitious man.

In the newspaper world Mr. Munsey will be remembered chiefly as a destroyer. In succession there died at his hands the New York "Continent," the New York "Daily News," the Philadelphia "Evening Times," the New York "Press," the Baltimore "Star," the New York "Sun," the New York "Globe and Commercial Advertiser," the New York "Evening Mail," and the New York "Herald." The names of the "Sun" and the "Herald" still remain, the one as a new name of the former "Evening Sun" and the latter as a heading on the New York "Tribune," but the newspapers that those names once represented are as dead as any of the rest.

In this work of devastation Mr. Munsey believed he was doing a service for journalism. "There is no business." he once wrote, "that cries so loud for organization and combination as that of newspaper publishing." His ideal, which

January 6, 1926

he never realized, was a chain of newspapers under a single control, supporting a veritable faculty of writers, each writing for all, with "a $100,000 or $200,000 a year man at the head of the editorial force and another God-made genius in charge of the business end." If Mr. Munsey's view that publishing is primarily a business for profit, and that struggling journals whose only claim to existence is that they preserve variety and freedom in the expression of public opinion are an unnecessary waste, then his estimate of his own service was quite modest.

On another page in this issue Don C. Seitz describes in none too vigorous language the moral effect of the prevalence of this view of the press as a business rather than a profession and the danger with which it threatens the Republic. It is by coincidence, not by design, that as we are called upon to comment upon the death of this notable newspaperman we present through Mr. Seitz's article the question whether newspapermen are going to abandon their leadership in the pursuit of money.

In war we have learned that liberty cannot be won except under leadership. What is true in war is equally true in peace. Self-government requires free and fearless spokesmen of public opinion. If the press does not supply those spokesmen, who will?

Mr. Munsey was not oblivious of his responsibility in the expression of views on public questions. Although a believer in party organization, he was free from the spirit of subserviency to party organizations. He showed this at the time of his revolt against the Republican bosses in 1912 and became a strong and valued supporter of Theodore Roosevelt. He was not, however, primarily a leader of public opinion. He was too naïve and impulsive in his views. Mr. Roosevelt, in tribute to his courage and activity, used to refer to him as the "wild ass of the desert"-a term that was not without its implication of admiration and friendliness, but could not have been applied to a steady directing force. Mr. Munsey showed his independence during the last campaign in New York State, when as a Republican he heartily supported the Democratic Governor, Mr. Smith, in support of the measures for the reorganization of the State Government and provision for certain public needs.

If the press is to lead, of course it

International

Frank A. Munsey

Who died on December 22 at 71 years of age

must live, and it will always require the services of men who have ability as business executives; but, though it may live, it will not lead unless those who control the press regard their vocation in the spirit in which the physician regards his practice of medicine-as primarily a public service. If the American people are to keep free the channels of public opinion, they must support journals which Mr. Munsey would have thought it a virtue to do away with.

The World Court

O

PPOSITION to the World Court seems to have arisen chiefly from three fears.

One is the fear that by joining the World Court the United States will be entrapped in the League of Nations. The Court, it is alleged, is a subsidiary of the League, and by becoming a member of the subsidiary the Nation would be virtually and should have to become actually a member of the major organization. This argument is based on a mistaken view of the status of the Court. It is a separate international statute or treaty, not the League, that created the Court. In electing the judges the League acts as an agent of the statute. By a change in the statute itself another agent might be substituted as an electoral college. The League may apply to the Court for an

opinion on a legal case, but in that respect does not differ from any nation

that may appeal to the Court.

The second fear is that by joining the Court the United States may submit its National policies to foreign judges. This fear would be well grounded if the Court were organized to render decisions on political matters. The Court, however, is charged solely with decisions on questions of law. It has no authority concerning any question of policy whatever, and its record so far indicates that its judges are more keenly aware of this limitation on its authority and more certain to keep the Court within its function than any one untrained in law can be.

The third fear is that the United States may be subjected as a member of the Court to the enforcement of the Court's decisions by the exercise of military or other power. In particular, it is the fear that the so-called sanctions of the League may be resorted to in case some decision should go against the United States. Some of the more ardent advocates of the Court who are also ar

dent advocates of the League have gone rather far to justify this fear. Even Judge Bustamante, one of the judges of the Court, goes so far as to say:

Since all or almost all the nations and their colonies and self-governing dominions now form one social organism for certain joint purposes, this organism, which must have force and authority, might well assume the duty of enforcing the judgments of the Permanent Court of International Justice, in case the defeated nation resists the decision.

Against this view that the decisions of the Court should be supported by military or other force American opinion is clearly overwhelming. For years the United States Supreme Court was comparatively weak because it had no sanctions that is, no means of its own to compel obedience to it; but it ultimately has become the most powerful Court in the world, because it has won for itself the moral support that is the natural consequence of the reasonableness of its decisions. If the World Court succeeds, it will be by the same process of winning the support of those whose controversies it decides. There is nothing in the statute that created the Court that provides for sanctions. If there is any doubt upon this subject, the Senate should remove it by a reservation. We do not think that