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Published weekly by The Outlook Company, 120 East 16th Street, New York. Copyright, 1926, by The Outlook
Company. By subscription $5.00 a year for the United States and Canada. Single copies 15 cents each. Foreign
subscription to countries in the postal Union, $6.56.

HAROLD T. PULSIFER, President and Managing Editor
NATHAN T. PULSIFER, Vice-President

ERNEST HAMLIN ABBOTT, Editor-in-Chief and Secretary
ARTHUR E. CARPENTER, Advertising Manager

LAWRENCE F. ABBOTT, Contributing Editor

THE OUTLOOK, January 6, 1926. Volume 142, Number 1. Published weekly by The Outlook Company at 120 East 16th Street, New York, N. Y
Subscription price $5.00 a year. Entered as second-class matter, July 21, 1893, at the Post Office at New York, under the Act of March 3, 1879.

Volume 142

The Vigor in Prohibition

T

The Outlook

HE Prohibition Law apparently is in no danger at the hands of Congress, and enforcement of the law, quite apparently, is more vigorous, more intelligent, and more effective than it has ever been before.

The indication that the Prohibition Law is not to be tampered with at this session of Congress, at least, is in the action taken by the House of Representatives on an amendment to the Appropriation Bill, introduced by Representative Tucker, of Virginia, to prevent resort to "fraud, deceit, or falsehood" in securing evidence against traffickers in illicit liquor. The amendment was defeated by a vote of 139 to 17. While the author of the amendment is a "dry," the "wets" generally would have been glad to see the amendment adopted. It was generally understood that, while the wording of the amendment directed it only against practices with ugly names, the effect of it would have been to prevent all under-cover investigation, and that, as Representative Lineberger expressed it, "Congress might as well repeal the Volstead Act and the Eighteenth Amendment as to approve the proposal."

The incident out of which the Tucker Amendment grew was the Hotel Mayflower case, in which prohibition agents spent about $1,000 on parties set as traps. Two hotel employees were caught, but later released. Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Andrews has notified all of his subordinates that such reckless expenditures must cease or those responsible must take the consequence of immediate separation from the service. He made occasion to say, however, that under-cover investigation properly conducted affords the surest means of breaking up the illicit liquor industry.

Indications are numerous of the vigor and effectiveness of enforcement under General Andrews. Reports recently received from several districts show a tremendous cutting down of alcohol which is potential bootleg booze. In a single district enforcement activities "took out of the bootleg industry," in the words of General Andrews, "intoxicants that

January 6, 1926

might have been manufactured into 1,163,200 gallons of fake whisky."

Regulations have been adopted in various places which cannot be otherwise than effective in preventing illicit manufacture. In Chicago, for instance, no non-alcoholic beer permit is to be granted to a plant surrounded by a fence that obstructs the view, and permits already issued to such plants are to be revoked unless the fences are reconstructed of slats sufficiently far apart to offer no means of concealment.

Perhaps the most significant recent development is the opening of negotiations for a liquor treaty with Cuba, which would give enforcement officials a free hand in the area between the island and the Florida keys.

A Concession to the Farmers

Is it possible that we actually are be

holding the glorious spectacle of team-work in Governmental affairs at Washington-team-work not merely between House and Senate and between

Democrats and Republicans in each, but between the legislative and the executive branches of the Government?

Undoubtedly, there is a prevalent spirit of accommodation. Some mention has been made in these columns of the non-partisan miracle of the Tax Bill and of the probable success of a non-partisan Muscle Shoals plan. Congress, and the parties and the factions of parties in Congress, have made concessions. There are indications now that the Executive branch is about to do the like.

The Administration has been vigor ously opposed to anything approaching Government handling of farm products, and has not, therefore, looked with favor on the export corporation plan. President Coolidge made the Administration position clear in his Message and in his speech before the American Farm Bureau Federation in Chicago. Secretary of Agriculture Jardine has elaborated it in a number of statements. Finally, he expressed it in detail in the bill, which in general discussion bears his name, for governmental encouragement of co-operative marketing. It has become appar

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ent, however, that many farm organizations as well as many members of Congress, both Republicans and Democrats, do not believe that the Administration plan, good as they concede it is, goes far enough to afford adequate relief, and that some method of disposing of surpluses must be devised.

The Administration is reconsidering its position. Secretary Jardine has announced that he is about to call a conference to ascertain what can be done with regard to legislation for the disposal of farm surpluses. It may be taken for granted that the Administration will never favor putting the Government in the business of exporting agricultural products, but it does appear probable that, as a result of the spirit of concession and accommodation, a plan may be worked out which will go further than the Administration originally intended to go without going to the dangerous lengths that Congress might have done if the Administration had "stood pat."

It is too much to hope that out of the disorganization so long prevalent perfect team-work can be obtained at once. But, thus early in the session, there are evidences of a mind toward team-work which has been almost wholly lacking in the past.

Busy Congress

THE bills for the relief of agriculture

-there will be four or five of them with similar objects-are likely to be under discussion within the first fifteen days after the Christmas recess. The House, however, will have its hands full of appropriation bills, and the Senate will be quite fully occupied with the Tax Bill and the World Court protocol during that period. The real show-down on the agricultural measure that is to succeed— if any one of them is-will probably not come until well on toward March, when the efforts at accommodation will have had time to flower and bear fruit.

Meanwhile the House will concern itself, aside from appropriations, with a number of questions on which there is likely to be provocation to division and factionalism. Not less than fifteen bills

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dealing with the coal situation are to be considered. The $165,000,000 Public Buildings Bill will be under consideration. Railroad consolidation, if the Inter-State and Foreign Commerce Committee does what is expected of it, will be discussed. Indications are that it will be hotly discussed from both sides.

In the Senate, too, there will be other provocatives to disunion than the World Court debate. The foreign debts settle ments will be under discussion, and there is a threat of that terrible, if not very effective, inquisition known as a Senate investigation. Reed, of Missouri, thinks, or says in a resolution that he does, that European money has been used to influence the action of the United States in regard to these settlements, and he wants an investigation to determine how much and from whom. Probably he will not get it, but he and those who stand with him very likely will get the opportunity to uproar the peace of the Senate which, after all, may be what they want.

There are indications, too, that Congress may attempt a type of legislation somewhat new or, at least, for a long time in disuse. Something is likely to be attempted in the way of curbing foreign manipulation of prices of essential products. Of the products likely to be considered, rubber is the most important, but coffee, potash, silk, and wood pulp

are on the list.

The Rubber Apple of Discord
WH

HILE the prices that American consumers pay for rubber is undoubtedly much too high, the wisdom of Congressional action designed to bring them down is open to serious question. In the first place, there does not appear to be much that Congress can do, and the little that it might do either cannot be made to cut at all or is likely to cut both ways. Congress might enact retaliatory measures, but they would be subject to the danger of breeding international ill will. Congress might enact a law prohibiting the lending of American money to monopolistic concerns or monopolistic countries, but there is serious question as to the constitutionality of any such law. Beyond those two things, Congress can hardly do anything more than to investigate and report.

There is, of course, one other thing that Congress might do, but that thing it does not appear to be considering in any constructive fashion. Congress might

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do something toward giving stability to rubber production in the Philippines and elsewhere. True, such action would not augment the supply of crude rubber for six or seven years the period that must elapse before a rubber plantation can come into production-but there might be an immediate result from the effect that such action by this Government would have on the governments of the large rubber-producing countries. Some Congressional encouragement might be given also to research in the developbe given also to research in the development of rubber substitutes.

On the whole, however, the best promise for relief from the rubber monopolies lies along the line of trade agreements, and for the negotiation of these the Department of Commerce is a much better agency than Congress. Secretary Hoover is actively interested in finding relief for rubber users. He has inaugurated a campaign for the prevention of waste, particularly in automobile tires, which promises to conserve a great deal of old rubber. He has suggested, too, a unified rubber. He has suggested, too, a unified program of American buying to meet the consolidated effort of foreign sellers. And Congress, if it acts wisely, may be able through permissive legislation to assist in the carrying out of this program.

Two Rivers-and Congress
THE Rules Committee of the House is

undertaking to duplicate the nonpartisan achievement of the Ways and Means Committee in drafting and pushing through to speedy passage the Tax Bill. Final disposition of Muscle Shoals is the object of the effort, and Representative Snell, of New York, Chairman of the Committee, is the prime mover. The division over Muscle Shoals, on the Tennessee River, has never been strictly along Republican-Democratic lines, and Mr. Snell believes that the only way to dispose of the troublesome question is by agreement of the dominant Republican and Democratic factions. He announces his personal willingness to concede practically anything that the Democrats want tically anything that the Democrats want if they will agree to the creation of a commission with full power to dispose of Muscle Shoals without further Congressional action.

The Muscle Shoals issue has been dragged up and down the Capitol stairs and trailed across the doorstep of the White House until it is worn out. Perhaps most persons concerned have labored under the misapprehension that

Muscle Shoals as source of power much more important than it actually The President said something to th effect in his Message. The Commissi which he appointed to study the situ tion had ascertained the fact. It ha pened that this Commission went Muscle Shoals during the height of t most devastating drought experienced that section of the country since weath records have been kept. The result w the discovery that, instead of the million of horse-power so long talked of, Musc Shoals cannot be depended upon to pr duce at all times more than 100,000 co stant horse-power. Of course it cou produce more than that during th greater part of the time, but it is th minimum, rather than the maximur production capacity that determines, a sense, the measure of usefulness.

The findings of the Commission o this point have had their effect on Co gress. So, too, has the Colorado Riv development project, now coming to th front. It appears to be a fact that th proposed Boulder Dam would create minimum constant capacity of 600,00 horse-power. Not only members of Co gress, but the rival contenders for th use of the power of Muscle Shoals ar perhaps, beginning to realize that endle dog-in-the-manger tactics over Musc Shoals are hardly worth while when eve greater power may be available elsewher

Th

Still, there is no denying-and no dis position to deny the real importance o Muscle Shoals as a power source. equipment there is already, for the mos part, installed and in working order. I is located in a region of considerabl industrial importance-a region that, ac cording to Secretary of Commerce Hoo ver, is better "hooked-up" than any other in the country for a general inter change of current under the super-power system. Muscle Shoals is important, bu it is not so supremely important as was once thought. The Rules Committee therefore, may have the better chance of equaling the non-partisan achievement of the Ways and Means Committee.

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pages to dinner in the Senate diningroom. He, the Vice-President, paid for the dinner. And they, the pages, ate the dinner. And are not they, the pages aforesaid, persons in positions of honor and profit and influence, in constant and close touch with those august personages, the Senators, who may be by those polluted pages themselves so contaminated as to vote for the revision of their own sacred rules?

Does not the very resolution adopted by the pages themselves, while in that state of repletion which precludes swallowing but permits of a little chewingdoes not that very resolution prove that the pages were improperly influenced? They indorsed the revision of the rules proposed by Dawes, but in what language they did it! "Resolved," reads the resolution, "that if cloture means less talk and more eats"-Don't you see? Plainly, here is praise for Dawes, who provided the "eats," and, just as plainly, a back-hand slap at the Senators, who provide the talk. They did not commit. themselves too far. They ratified the Dawes revision-but with reservations.

Really, they displayed exceptionally good sense, those pages. They "kidded" the situation took it lightly, as it should The have been meant to be taken. pages, a pipe, and a poem! They gave him the pipe. They read him the poem. But to that program the Vice-President added history and prophecy. He told those pages how and why the Reparations Commission adopted the Dawes Plan. That of his past. Then he told them that the Senate has, by its rules, amended the Constitution of the United States, that the procedure is un-American, and that "I am going to go through with the matter." That of his future.

Does not the Vice-President owe it to his party and to his country to refrain from making opportunities such as that for the Jim Reeds and the Pat Harrisons?

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pinch, Washington can make a small sensation serve all the purposes of a catastrophe.

Army men have been aghast at what Mitchellism would do to the Army if it could. But there is more genuine consternation, if not in Army circles strictly, then certainly in Army-admiring circles, over Secretary Davis's new uniform regulations than there ever has been over the prospect of the worst that Mitchell could do.

Every Army officer must have lapels put on his service coat! No longer will the tight thing around the neck, its corners punching holes in the throat, be worn-no longer, that is, than the tailors can turn out a sufficient supply of turn-downs. Secretary Davis has done what the World War could not do-he has put common sense into the American Army uniform.

Now there is innovation.

P. & A. Photos

Vice-President Charles G. Dawes

What

Mitchell proposed would have bee by comparison, mild-mannered modific

tion.

But civil servants of the Governme manage, most times, to get their sens tions, hardly less pronounced than tho of the military servants. The newest o comes from the fact that the Smit sonian Institution is at last, after decad of investigation and years of bickerin ready to issue long-range weather for casts based on variations in solar radi tion.

And those who are neither civil n military servants of the Government, b real Washingtonians who own the buil ings and pay the property taxes, are ha ing their sensation also-two of them, be exact, but of somewhat kindred n ture. Colonel C. O. Sherrill, on the e of giving up the position of Superinte dent of Buildings and Grounds for th District of Columbia to accept the Cit Managership of Cincinnati, issued statement in which he said that man of the buildings in which Governme offices are housed are about to fall dow and that the lives of employees are co stantly endangered. The other part the sensation for the residents has to d with the condition of the streets. Com missioner Cuno H. Rudolph recently d clared that there is hardly a block street paving in Washington but tha should have been discarded and replace years ago, and the American Automobi Association is demanding to be show what was done with the revenues sup posed to have been raised during thos years for street improvement.

Who is to pay for replacements-th residents of the District of Columbia the people of the United States? Tha is the heart of the sensation for the pe manent residents. It recurs with eac new session of Congress.

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