supposition: and indeed, it seems more likely, that Tibullus was so piqued at the ill success of his first amour, that he destroyed all those elegies which it gave rise to. Some time after this (A. U. C. 718), the fierce inhabitants of Pannonia rebelling, and Messala being one of the generals appointed by Augustus to reduce them, that nobleman invited Tibullus to attend him in the expedition. As this service was not against the Pompeian party 15, and as he hoped in the hurry of a military life to find a remedy or his melancholy, he complied with his nobl friend's request, and in every action behaved with his usual bravery. In proof of this the commentators quote our poet's description of the old soldier of Arupinum: Testis Arupinas, & pauper natus in armis, Quem si quis videat, vetus ut non fregerit ætas, Terna minus Pyliæ miretur sæcula famæ, 1pse tamen velox celerem super edere corpus Audet equum, validisque sedet moderator habenis 16. Besides these verses, some others may be brought from the panegyric, and in particular the three following, to strengthen their assertion: Nam bellis experta cano, testis mihi victæ Fortis Japidie miles, testis quoque fallax Pannonius, gelidas passim disjectus in Alpes 7. In this manner did our poet subdue his passion for Glycera: but being by nature addicted to the love of the fair sex, at his return from the army he fixed his affections on Delia, Cyllenius, in his commentary on Tibullus 18, conjectures that she obtained the name of Delia from the Greek word day, on account of her surpassing in beauty the Roman ladies. But we have the more respectable authority of Apulius 1, for asserting that Delia was an appellation given her by our poet, her real name being Plania, Some critics 20 contend, that Delia was a woman of the town: but many passages in the elegies, addressed to her", contradict this assertion. Which of these poems were first written, cannot now be determined; but it is certain, they were not composed in the order they are now printed. It would seem, that some time after his attachment to Delia, Messala invited our poet to accompany him in some military expedition: but he was then too deeply enamoured of Delia, to attend the call of honour. Tibullus therefore composed his first elegy, in which, as he prefers a Country retirement with Delia and a moderate income, to all the triumphs of war and allurements of fortune, so Corvinus could not well urge, with propriety, our poet's departure. Me sala having soon after obtained the consulship, Tibullus composed his panegyric. This poem is in heroic numbers, and though not destitute of poetical beauties, is inferior to his clerics: it seems rather an effusion of friendship, than an effort of genius: it has therefore not been translated. In the year of Rome 7252, Messala being entrusted by Augustus Cæsar with an extraordinary command over Syria, insisted on Tibullus's accompanying him thither, to which our poet Consented. This sacrifice to friendship was not however obtained without much reluctance; for 15 An amnesty was granted by the triumvirate to all Pompey's party, A. U. C. 715. Panegyr. ad Messalam, lin. 110. 17 Ibid. lin. 107. 18 This commentary was published at Venice, A. D. 1487. 19 In apologia accusent—& Tibullum, quod ei sit Plauia in animo, Delia in versu. Casaubon and Colvius think, it should be read either Flavia or Plança. in one of Fulvius Ursinus's MS. copies of the Apology, it was written Plantia. "Plania, however," says Broekhusius, "is found in Roman inscriptions, and therefore the name need not be altered." 2 Erat libertine conditionis muliercula.-Brockh. Vide lib. i. passim. Nonis Cenotaph. Pisan. Diss. ii. cap. 16. § 7. Delia, it would seem, opposed his departure. But as Messala, in this expedition, was to visit Greece, Asia, &c. and as Tibullus, in his panegyric, had said, Pro te vel rapidas ausim maris ire per undas, Adversis hyberna licet tumeant freta ventis. Pro te vel solus densis subsistere turmis: Vel pavidum Etneæ corpus committere flammæ Sum quodcunque tuum est 23, &c. he embarked with his patron. He, however, had not been long at sea, before he was taken so ill, that Messala was obliged to put him ashore, and leave him in Phæacia 24. In this island, so famous for the gardens of Alcinous, our poet composed the third elegy of the first book; which shows, that whatever effect this sickness had upon his constitution, it did not in the least impair his poetical talents. From the sentiments of tenderness expressed in that beautiful poem, it would not have been surprising had Tibullus on his recovery returned to Italy: but he had too sincere a regard for his friend, to desert him; he therefore, as soon as he was able to renew his voyage, hastened after Messala, and with that nobleman 25 travelled through Cilicia, Syria, Egypt, and Greece, being then probably initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries at Athens 26. What were the political consequences of this expedition, historians do not mention: but the consequences to Tibullus were highly disagreeable; for if any stress, in this point, is to be laid on his elegies, there is reason to suspect, that Delia married before his return. This, doubtless, occasioned much uneasiness to, and rendered our poet the less unwilling to embrace another offer made him, soon after, by Messala, of going to Aquitaine; which province having revolted (A. U. C. 726.), Augustus had entrusted that excellent officer with the important business of its reduction 27. "The Romans," says an elegant writer, "fought with other nations for glory, but with the Gauls for liberty." This observation was at least verified at this time; for it was not till after many sharp actions, in which both the general and his soldiers distinguished themselves, that Messala completed the service he was sent upon. In all these battles, our poet signalized his courage in so remarkable a manner, that the success of the expedition was, in no small degree, owing to him. Non sine me est tibi partus honos: Tarbella Pyrene Testis Arar, Rhodanusque celer, magnusque Garumna, For which reason he had military honour conferred on him; militaribus donis ornatus est, as the old writer of his life informs us 29. The reduction of Aquitaine was so acceptable to the emperor, that Messala had a triumph decreed him the year after; and as our poet had borne so distinguished a share in the war, it is not to be supposed but he was present at that superb solemnity; which, as an ancient inscription 3 acquaints us, was celebrated on the seventh of the calends of October. 31 But his Gallic expedition not having banished Delia from his breast, he again paid his addresses to her: and, from some passages in the second and seventh elegies of the first book, it would seem that they were but too successful. 23 Panegyr. ad Messalam, lin. 193. 24 Now Corfu. Lib. i. el. 8. also Broekhusius's notes on the third elegy of the first book. Lib. iii. el. 5. 27 Steph. Vinand Pighii Annal. & Norris Cenotaph. Pisan. Diss. ii. cap. 16. § 7. Lib. i. el. 8. 39 In the life prefixed to that edition of Tibullus which was published at Venice, A. D. 1475. 30 Cenotaph. Pisan. Diss. ii. cap. 16. § 7. 31 Pighii Annales. When a woman has once so far forgot herself, as to bestow improper favours on a lover, nothing is more natural than for that lover to suspect he is not the only favourite. Our poet is an instance of the truth of this observation; for to such a height did his ungenerous suspicions, of Delia arise (notwithstanding all her protestations of innocence), that he made her husband acquainted with his intrigue 32. Whether Delia was innocent or not, she could never forgive this discovery. Or had she been willing to forget the past, we cannot suppose that her husband would ever admit Tibullus again into his house. Such then was the extraordinary conclusion of our poet's intimacy with Delia; and therefore, the poem which furnished these particulars is justly made the last of the poems inscribed to that beauty. Although the elegies of Tibullus warrant, in some sort, these surmises; yet, it ought to be considered, that poets write from imagination more frequently than from reality, because ideal subjects afford greater scope to their faculties than occurrences in common life and indeed, if what Ovid tells us may be depended on, Delia was again enamoured with our poet, at the time of his decease, when probably her husband was dead. Some time elapsed, before Tibullus entered into any new engagements: in this interval, he composed his famous elegy on Messala's birth-day, the ninth and the following elegies of the first book, with the first and second of the second book; endeavouring to forget his disasters, by dividing his time between his country-seat and Rome, but chiefly by conversing, more than ever, with the learned and polite: of these, the most eminent among his acquaintance were Messala, Valgius, Macer, and Horace. Messala was now in the height of his reputation: in eloquence and military knowledge he was excelled by none of his cotemporaries; and yet the goodness of his heart surpassed his abilities. His house was the rendezvous of the learned; and his patronage, as an admirable poet 33 expresses it, was The surest passport to the gates of fame. Happy in the approbation of all parties, his siding with Augustus, after the defeat at Philippi, did not lose him the esteem of his old friends; and his interesting himself in their behalf, to the honour of that emperor, made him not the less beloved by Augustus 34. J. Valgius Rufus was eminent, not only for heroic poetry, but also for his elegies, especially those on the death of his son Mystes 35. He also wrote some excellent epigrams. But all his poems are now lost. As Tibullus thought him the best poet next to Homer, posterity has suf fered much in their loss 36. Of Macer, all that is known is mentioned in the notes to the sixth elegy of the second book. But although Tibullus himself informs us of his acquaintance with these eminent scholars, yet should we not have known of the friendship which Horace and he entertained for one another, had it not been for Horace, who probably about this time sent our poet an epistle, which is thus translated by Mr. Francis: Lib. i. el. 7. 33 Dr. Young. 3 Messala had a brother, who was also a polite scholar, as Horace informs us. According to St. Jerome, this illustrious Roman married Terentia, Cicero's widow, and by her had two sons, Marcus and Lucius, who both attained to the consulship, and were an ornament to their families, by their military and civil capacities. Messala himself was so old before he died, as to forget his own name. Pliny the elder tells us, that he would not permit a person of his family to have his statue placed among those of his ancestors, because he was a disgrace to them. We learn this circumstance from Horace, who wrote Valgius a beautiful consolatory ode on the occasion. The critics have been able, from all antiquity, to glean only seven lines of Rufus's poetry, which the reader, if curious of such literary scraps, will find collected by Broekhusius, in his notes on Tibullus's panegyric to Messala. Albius! in whom my satires find Do you, while at your country-seat, Can a fond nurse one blessing more And a poetic easy vein? By hope inspir'd, deprest by fear, FRANCIS. Mons. Dacier 38 observes, that this epistle is all ironical; for Tibullus, according to him, having exhausted his fortune by extravagance, had now retired to the country, to recruit his finances, and avoid the importunity of his creditors. To find out these things from the epistle before quoted, required a strange obliquity of understanding; as to support them demanded some learning: however it must be confessed, that the French editor of Horace is not the first author who maintained this extraordinary opinion. An old grammarian 39, whose comment on Horace Caspar Barthius owns he perused, but to whom Dacier was willing to sink his obligations, though he also must have seen him, has out-done the French critic in what he writes of Tibullus. Fuit hic Albius, says this uncommon genius, eques Romanus, qui primus in amatorio carmine habetur: eum per ironiam irridet Horatius, quasi rem bene gesserit, cum in juventa omnia prodegerit, et postea versibus victum quæsiverit. Ergo ubi eum laudat, se innuit Horatius; ubi vituperat se, & Epicurum nominat, Albium intelligit, quem ridendum ait quod prodegerit omnia, jam nihil habens, quo, ut solebat, cutem curare posset: quod vero ait Di tibi divitias dederint, &c. manifesta ironia est, nam Epicuri non credentes deos habere curam rerum humanarum, omnia digunt; quod postquam factum est omnibus sunt ridiculi. pro Whence this semi-priscus grammaticus (for so Broekhusius calls him) drew these particulars relating to our poet, is not known: but that Dacier should adopt them, is matter of wonder; as, in all probability, the Frenchman had read Tibullus's panegyric40, which plainly shows that the dininution of his fortune was not owing to his own intemperance. And if the grammarian had perused his elegies with ever so little attention, he would have seen, that Tibullus was rather religious than otherwise, and by no means an Epicurean, at least in belief. "But," say some critics, who have too thoughtlessly embraced this opinion, "does not Horace confirm it, where he tells us, that his father warned him, when a young man, from pursuing extravagant courses, by setting before his eyes the infamy and miserable life of Albius, Nonne vides Albi ut male vivat filius?" To make this objection decisive, the critics must first prove, that there were no other Albiusses in Rome than the father of Tibullus; which, by the way, is false: and then they must show, that this infamous and indigent son of Albius's was our poct; which cannot be done, especially as we know that he died a knight, and of course was worth upwards of three thousand pounds sterling. There are also innumerable passsages in his elegies 42, which prove, that he was by no means in distressed circumstances, though less wealthy than his ancestors. Again, is it to be imagined, that the rich and generous Messala would have suffered so fine a genius, and one whom he regarded so much, to have been distressed by his creditors? And, to crown all, as Tibullus was confessedly some years younger than Horace, with what propriety could Horace's father propose Tibullus as an example not to be followed by his son? When such were the friends of Tibullus, and his poetical abilities had long since obtained him universal applause, he could have found no difficulty in getting admission to the learned court of Augustus.: "How then," ask the commentators, "has it come to pass, that he never once mentions either that emperor, or Mæcenas, both whom his brother poets celebrated with such a lavishness of praise?" "And yet," add they, "there are many parts of his writings, where those patrous of genius might have been introduced with uncommon propriety?" True to the principles of the republic, and a real friend to the liberties of the people, Tibullus never could prevail upon himself to flatter those, whatever affection they expressed for the Muses, whom his principles taught him to detest as the enslavers of his country. This, as Pope emphatically expresses it, “kept him sacred from the great," who doubtless perceived with secret displeasure (for Augustus and Mæcenas well knew the importance of having the poets on their side) that no loss of fortune, and no allurement of ambition, could induce Tibullus to join in the general chorus of their praise. Although both the emperor and his favourite must in their hearts have applauded our poet's integrity, yet that mental applause, in all probability, would not have secured Tibullus from the effects of their displeasure, had it not been for the interest which he had with Messala. Besides Messala, Valgius, and Macer, Tibullus mentions Cornutus, Marathus, Titius, and Messalinus: the conjectures of the critics concerning these Romans are inserted in the notes to the elegies, where their names occur. Soon after this, Tibullus fell in love with Neæra. It is true, that the elegies he wrote to Neæra, in every edition of our poet, follow those in which he celebrates Nemesis: yet as Ovid (who could not well be mistaken in what related to one whom he regarded so much as Tibullus) says, that Nemesis was his last mistress; and, as it is probable, that the fifth elegy of the second book (our poet being then certainly very fond of Nemesis) was written between the years 732 and 734, when Augustus wintered in Samos, that is, a short time before our poet's death, we suppose, although the learned gentleman who favoured the author with the notes marked B, is of a different opinion, that Neæra was the third object of his affections. And some lines lower, 41 Book i. el. 1, 3, 8, 11. * See the notes on the first elegy of the first book, and on the first and third elegy of the second. |