Freystaetter says, that other documents may have been produced." Freystaetter replied: "Not only did I see them, but I assert that Colonel Maurel had them in his hands. And, what is more, I assert that he made a commentary on each document as it passed through his hands." Maurel haltingly replied that he did not remember, and refused to say more. Freystaetter added that he had written Maurel a letter recalling the scene at the secret sessions of the court martial of 1894, and announcing his intention of telling the truth, as he was now doing. Maurel acknowledged this with a nod, but still refused to say anything more. The admission of prevarication on the part of the President of the court martial of 1894 made the Freystaetter testimony of extremest pertinence, a pertinence increased when the witness confronted General Mercier. The former had said that a despatch from a foreign attaché, reporting the arrest of Dreyfus, had been communicated to the judges of the 1894 court martial, and that this despatch was a forgery. It was an erroneous translation of the Panizzardi despatch, and those who communicated it knew it to be erroneous, for at that date they possessed a correct translation. As no contradiction had been offered to Freystaetter's statement, and as Mercier had previously testified to having given an order that the telegram should not be communicated, and, further, that his order had been carried out, Maître Labori asked the President of the court to demand an explanation from Mercier. The latter denied Freystaetter's declaration that the Panizzardi despatch was in the dossier, shouting, "It's a lie," possibly forgetting that Freystaetter's evidence had been admitted by Colonel Maurel. To this Freystaetter replied: "I swear that what I have said is true. And I remember not merely the despatch, but I have a vivid recollection of the fact that the first words were, 'Dreyfus is arrested.

The Court

Emissary warned.""

Regarding the probable verdict on Dreyfus, an impression has gained ground that the judges are prejudiced against him. This would not be unnatural-indeed, the testimony of General Roget, for instance, made a visibly

profound effect on them. The vehemence of Roget's deposition, however, can be explained by his undoubted realization that he and his brother generals are quite as much on trial as is Dreyfus. The testimony of the Generals must needs be received by the members of the court with due deference. All of those members are graduates of the Military Polytechnic School, and from their early youth their respect for military convention and traditional discipline is nothing less than religious.

The Generals occupy a higher military rank than the judges, and overawe them.

Hence the judges are constantly subject to an illegitimate army pressure. There are seven members in the court. According to law a court martial has a Colonel as its President when the prisoner is a Captain, and two members are of the same rank as the accused. It is not necessary that the verdict be unanimous. Hardly any legal evidence against Dreyfus has been adduced bearing upon the real question before the court; indeed, Lord Russell, Chief Justice of England, is quoted as saying that there has been no testimony in support of the charge against Dreyfus that would warrant an English magistrate in holding him for a regular trial. The one specific question is: Did Dreyfus communicate to a foreign government the facts mentioned in the bordereau ? The Court of Cassation, the Supreme Court of France, has already established the fact that the conviction of Dreyfus in 1894 was illegal. It has directed the present court martial to obtain evidence bearing on the question before it, but for three weeks the court martial has heard evidence bearing upon the entire subject. Perhaps this implied disdain of the Court of Cassation results partly from the repeated demand of the Dreyfusards to probe the justice of their cause to the bottom, but more likely it is due to the vanity and obstinacy, if not terror, of the guilty creatures of the General Staff. The reiteration of hearsay or presumption from them is not evidence, and the only evidence, except that mentioned in our first paragraph, worth considering has been that contained in the received renderings of the Schneider and Panizzardi despatches: Both of these renderings are now shown to be forgeries. Indeed, the Schneider despatch was the eleventh forged docu

Last week a Blue Book relating to the proposed Transvaal reforms was published by the British Government. It opens with a despatch from Sir Alfred Milner suggest ing arbitration of the varying interpretations of the Anglo-Dutch Conventions of 1881 and 1884. Sir Alfred, though reiterating his favorable opinion as to limited

On

arbitration in certain circumstances after the Outlanders' grievances had been redressed, declares that the scheme of reform put forth by the Transvaal Government is absolutely unacceptable. July 1 Mr. Chamberlain, the British Colonial Secretary, cabled that the Government would not accept the Transvaal proposal, but toward the end of the month proposed an inquiry into the new Transvaal reformed franchise law. In this proposal he declared that under no circumstances would the British Government admit the intervention of a foreign power regarding the interpretation of the Conventions. He added that, if the Transvaal would agree to the exclusion of the foreign element, he was willing to consider how and by what methods such a question of interpretation could be decided by some judicial authority, the independence and partiality of which would be beyond suspicion. On the last day of July Mr. Chamberlain invited President Kruger to appoint delegates to inquire into the franchise law, adding that, if an inquiry took place, the British delegates would be in structed to press for an early report. Alfred Milner also informed President Kruger that, while the inquiry must be confined to the political representation of the Outlanders, he, as British Commissioner, was prepared to discuss, not only the franchise, but also other matters. In support of Mr. Chamberlain's policy, as disclosed by the Blue Book, the London papers are practically unanimous. The "Standard" voices the general opinion: Nobody in England wants war, and the Government is doing all it can to avoid a rupture. Still less do we want the Transvaal itself. Apart from its gold reefs its territory is almost worthless. Its mines will probably be exhausted in half a century. We do not desire the Boers as fellow-subjects. We do

Sir

mon political justice that the Government is determined to obtain.

On Saturday of last week Mr. Chamberlain, addressing an audience at Highbury, said:

The knot must be loosened or we will have to find other ways of untying it. If we are forced to that, then we will not hold ourselves limited by what we have already offered, but, having taken the matter in hand, we will not let go until we have secured the conditions which establish our paramount power in South Africa and secure to our fellow-subjects the

equal rights and privileges promised by Pres

ident Kruger.

The Prussian

The German Emperor and Cabinet Crisis King of Prussia has declined to receive the resignation of the Prussian Cabinet, which was due to the Prussian Landtag's adverse vote to the Government on the two Canal bills, which had been introduced into that body as coming from the Emperor himself. A change of Cabinet, however, would hardly mark the importance of that adverse vote much more clearly; no Prussian needs such an event to emphasize the fact that, for the first time since the Franco-German war, the Agrarian Conservatives, generally fervent supporters of the monarchy, have openly defied a mandate of their sovereign. For the moment the Socialists have joined hands with the Agrarians "in upholding the principles of constitutional right." It is not impossible that the Emperor may dissolve the Diet, but he must know that such an event might bring about the encountering by his Government of a considerably increased opposition, the Agrarians, or Junkers, hitherto having been invariably on his side. Germans who are not Prussians are taking a special interest in the matter because of the fact that the Prussian Prime Minister, Prince von Hohenlohe, is also the Imperial German Chancellor. It is rumored that Prince von Hohenlohe wishes to resign both offices if his resignation of one be accepted. His services to Germany during the term of his Chancellorship, since 1894, have been not inconsiderable, and there is a natural dread among Germans at making further changes in the personnel of the Government during the reign of the present Emperor. Nevertheless, his subjects have been getting

accustomed to many and rapid changes a contrast to the order of things during preceding reigns.

The Situation in the Philippines

An obviously necessary preliminary to a decision as to what should be our future course in the Philippines is a full understanding of the actual situation there. A very clear statement on this point has just been made by the special correspondent of "Harper's Weekly," Mr. John F. Bass. Mr. Bass has military. as well as newspaper experience, and favors the energetic pushing of the military campaign to an end. Of General Otis, Mr. Bass writes that he is "the impersonation of industry," that he directs the minutest details, approves the smallest bills, forms personally the plans for everything done. This indefatigable industry, however, the correspondent implies, is a source of weakness, for General Otis works in an office, has never been out on the lines, has never seen a fight or a skirmish, and other officers assert that it is impossible for the general-in-chief under these conditions to make intelligent plans. Mr. Bass then states the limits of our military lines. Although he writes in June, and the subsequent advances to Angeles on the north and to Imus on the south have increased the extent of our lines, the difference is not a very material

one.

He points out that on last Decoration Day the insurgents were still within three miles of the city on the south, and that the graves of American soldiers buried near Camp Dewey could not be decorated because the ground was held by the insurgents; that we control only a small part of Laguna de Bay, and that "out of one hundred and twenty-three miles of railroad from Manila to Dagupan, we hold only thirty-nine miles, or less than one-third (to this must now be added a few miles reaching to Angeles); that the land along the railroad and at its east held by the insurgents is very fertile, and furnishes supplies to their army in abundance; that no effort has been made to land troops at Dagupan to attack the insurgents along the railroad upon two sides, as Mr. Bass thinks could be done. He states positively and without qualification that "the whole population of the

islands sympathizes with the insurgents; only those natives whose immediate selfinterest requires it are friendly to us. The insurgent army is in no way ready to give in, and its policy of retreating is the one best adapted to the accomplishment of its ends." Mr. Bass makes many criticisms on the equipment of the army, and states that there were five thousand men in the general hospital when he writes-sixteen per cent. of the whole army- —a large part of whom are broken down by over-exertion made necessary by bad planning. He asserts that the real figures as to the numbers of men in hospital have been suppressed. He holds, in common with the opinions expressed by General King and other experienced officers, that one hundred thousand men are needed to carry out a systematic plan for occupying the territory. This correspondent is most strongly impressed with the belief that the plans and methods adopted for crushing the enemy have varied frequently, and urges the adoption of a definite and continuous plan. He says unreservedly that "the American outlook is blacker now [June 12] than it has been since the beginning of the war." We give these criticisms, not as final or as being necessarily correct in every particular, but as embodying the observations of one of the best correspondents on the spot, and as a contribution toward the complete understanding of the situation, which, as we have said, is the prime requisite to the forming of an intelligent policy for the future.

Another View

An equally grave view is taken in a letter from the Manila correspondent of the New York "Tribune "- -a letter which has been forwarded through San Francisco by mail, evidently to avoid the censor's supervision. vision. As the New York "Tribune" certainly cannot be suspected of antiexpansion tendencies, the letter has the more weight. This correspondent, writing under date of July 22, says:

In Manila talk of the ending of the war deals no longer with weeks, but with months and even years. Among the mass of people here, military men and foreign residents, there is only one opinion. The whole effort of the insurgents for three months was to hold off the Americans until their ally, the rains, came. In this they have been as successful as they

could have hoped. Unless affairs take some unforeseen turn, the Filipinos will resume the war this fall with fresh spirit and a replenished stock of arms and ammunition.

He states also that the leaders of the insurgents have no lack of money, that they control the resources of a large and exceedingly rich country, that they are levying tribute on ships entering several ports, and that the leaders are enriching themselves personally by this tribute money, "excepting Aguinaldo, who is generally acquitted of enriching himself by the present war." He asserts also that the Filipino soldiers are tolerably contented, although they receive pay rarely. They require very light rations, and live in camp as well as they are accustomed to at home in peace. The statement that the insurgents are on the verge of disruption the "Tribune's" correspondent considers improbable, in view of the fact that, although General Otis has offered thirty dollars for each insurgent rifle surrendered, he has received less than one hundred guns. The assassination of General Luna has, he thinks, left Aguinaldo undisputed leadership, and put at least a temporary end to dissensions among the leaders. The difference of opinion in this country as to the treatment of the Filipinos has, he also declares, greatly encouraged the insurgents, and "they profess to imagine that Congress will declare against annexation."

Race Problems in the Philippines

Official reports confirm the news that a treaty (or treaty-like agreement) has been made with the Mohammedan Sultan of the Sulu (or Jolo) Islands by General Bates, acting for the United States. General Otis thus succinctly outlines its provisions: "Sovereignty United States over entire Jolo Archipelago acknowledged; its flag to fly on land and sea. United States to occupy and control all points deemed necessary. Introducing firearms prohibited. Sultan to assist in suppressing piracy. Agrees to deliver Agrees to deliver criminals accused of crime not committed by Moros against Moros." Press despatches add that the "pension " of about $4,000 paid to the Sultan by Spain will be continued by the United States, and that General Bates considers that the $10,000 (Mexican) he took with him has

been well expended-apparently as a "douceur" to conquer the Sultan's pride, which revolted against using the American flag in his journeys abroad. Thus the United States formally receives an admission of its sovereignty over a large body warlike race, somewhat given to piracy, of Mohammedan Moros, of a fierce and but not disposed to resent the supreme rule of another race, provided a pretty free rein in local and internal affais is left to their own tribal government. That a new and peculiar race question will be implied in the Sulu Island occuAnother race quespation seems certain. tion of the future is suggested in the news that Chinese immigration into the Philippines has been barred out by General Otis. The Washington authorities say that this is not because of the exclusion law in the United States, but is a military measure. Just what is meant by this does not appear, unless it be that it is hoped by the action to conciliate to some extent the Filipino laborers, who share the California prejudice against Chinese cheap labor.

A German View

The general subject of

race questions in the Philippines has lately been made the subject of an extended article by the German savant Ferdinand Blumentritte, a translation of which appears in the "Popular Science Monthly." Professor Blumentritte calls. the Malays "colored" people, and thinks that one great cause of the hatred of Spain by the Filipinos was that the great Malay population was looked upon by Spaniards much as the negroes are by the majority of whites in this country. The formation of the Philippine Republic, as he calls it, is spoken of as "pre-eminently the work of Christian, civilized Malays and mestizo," because the Indians and negroes "have not the inclination toward civilization or that capacity for assimilation that is evident in the colored population of the Philippine Islands; the latter are, shown, in point of literacy, to be superior to the Spanish residents of the Philippines." Despite this fact, as we all know, they were continually treated with scorn and abuse by the Spanish press and the Spanish officials. This, Professor Blumentritte says, has been building up a reaction against white rule for twenty years, and

the hatred thus formed has been in a great measure transferred to the Americans. The final conclusion drawn by Herr Blumentritte may not be justified by his preliminary argument, but it is worth quoting as the opinion of a man who appears to be governed purely by scientific reasons in forming his conclusion. He says: He says: "The European and American whites have not made a good impression on the colored Filipinos, and the Philippine creoles feel as one with their colored brethren; there is no spirit of caste in the matter like that which existed in the old colonial times, but they all call themselves simply Filipinos, and the rule of the American AngloSaxons, who regard even the creoles as a kind of niggers,' would be looked upon by educated Filipinos of all castes as a supreme loss of civic rights."

The Pennsylvania RepubliThe Political cans and the Nebraska Fu

Conventions

sionists met last week to nominate the State judges and minor offiIcials to be voted for this fall. In Pennsylvania the greatest interest centered in the adoption of a plank expressing the gratitude of the Republican party to ex-Senator Quay and indorsing Governor Stone's action in appointing him to the vacant seat in the Senate. Senator Flinn, the political leader of the "insurgents," opposed this plank, declaring that forty per cent. of the Republicans in Pennsylvania favored a change in their State's representative. The Convention, however, to which Mr. Quay was himself a delegate, was emphatically a Quay body, and adopted the platform by a vote of 192 to 49.

In regard to National policies the Convention congratulated the country upon the prosperity attending "the estab lishment of a sound currency" and "the securing of proper protection to business industries," strongly favored the renomination of President McKinley, eulogized the conduct of the war with Spain, pledged the President "faithful support in the prosecution of the war in the Philip pines," and cordially indorsed the acquiring of "new markets abroad." "We have ceased," said the platform, "to be content with supplying products for home consumption alone. We must keep pace with other nations in seeking new fields

for our commerce, and to this end we support the policy of industrial, commercial, and national expansion." The Fusion Conventions in Nebraska were completely dominated by Mr. Bryan, and the predicted disagreements between Democrats, Populists, and Silver Republicans did not show themselves. Ex-Governor Holcomb, the Populist candidate for Judge of the Supreme Court, was nominated by acclamation, and each of the minor parties was allowed to select a candidate for Regent of the State University.

The platform adopted by the three Conventions indorsed the Chicago platform, and declared that events since 1896 had shown not only the impossibility of securing bimetallism through international agreement, but also the benefits of an expansion of the currency. Not less prominent, however, were the planks condemning the "war for conquest in the Philippines, and demanding that the Filipinos should, like the Cubans, be promised "independence as soon as a stable government shall be established, and protection from outside interference." The Philippine question is expected to be uppermost in the approaching campaign.

Concurrent Primaries

The plan of " concurrent" primaries has already passed from the field of speculation to that of experiment. The recent primaries in San Francisco to elect Republican and Democratic candidates for Mayor were held on the same day and in the same booths. The results were most satisfactory. The Democrats renominated Mayor Phelan, who has with exceptional courage fought the machine representing the worst element in his party; and the Republicans selected a candidate possessing in a high degree the public confidence. These results were especially important because of the large powers lodged in the Mayor under the new charter. In Ohio also, where a reform primary law has been demanded for several years, the plan of concurrent primaries has been put to the test. In the spring of last year, Mr. J. S. Glenn, of Columbus, writes us, the local Republican and Democratic committees were persuaded to hold an unimportant primary jointly, and the legislative committees on primary