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while Mr. Jefferson believed, and has repeatedly denounced it, to be the most dangerous infraction of the constitution ever attempted under the cloak of constructive power. Such has always been the opinion of the great leaders of the democracy of the United States, although some of them have yielded to the voice of a majority of Congress, mistaking it for that of the people.

We have premised thus much in order to show 'that the course pursued by General Jackson, in regard to the Bank of the United States, is in perfect consonance with the known principles of the democrocy, the people of the United States. When the Democratic Party had the ascendency, they took the first opportunity that offered to put an end to the first Bank of the United States, and now they avail themselves of a similar occasion to give a like demonstration of their settled principles and policy. General Jackson would not have been re-elected by tha party, against all the corruptions of the Bank, combined with the whole force of all the disjointed, incongruous elements of opposition, after he had placed his Veto on its re-charter, had he not acted in this instance in strict conformity with the sentiments of a great majority of the democracy of the United States. Here as in every other act of his administration, they saw in him the great opponent of monopolies, the stern, inflexible champion of EQUAL RIGHTS.

With regard to the other alleged acts of despotism charged upon this true unwavering patriot, such as the removal of Mr. Duane from office, and the appointment of one of the very ablest and purest men of this country in his stead; the subsequent removal of the deposites from the Bank of the United States, and the protest against the ex-parte condemnation of the "Independent Aristocratic Body," more has already been said in his defence than such charges merited. We do not believe VOL. I.-25

the Senators making them believed one word they them. selves uttered on the subject, because, though tainted to the core by personal antipathies and personal ambition, they are men of too clear intellect, seriously to cherish such ideas of the constitution as they have lately put forth to the people. These speeches and denunciations, like those on the subject of universal distress and bankruptcy, were merely made for effect. They certainly could not believe that what the constitution expressly delegates was intended to be withheld; that what was expressly conceded by the charter of the Bank of the United States was intended to be denied; or that the exercise of a privilege inherent in human nature, to wit, that of self-defence, was an outrage on the privileges of the Senate. Real honest error may sometimes be com bated successfully by argument; but we know of no way of convincing a man who only affects to be in the wrong in order to deceive others, and shall therefore spare ourselves and our readers any further discussion with opponents who are not in earnest, but who have so high an opinion of the sagacity of the people, that they think they can make them believe what they do not believe themselves.

It will be perceived from this brief analysis of the leading measures of General Jackson's administration, that all his "tyranny" has consisted in successfully interposing the Constitution of the United States in defence of the EQUAL RIGHTS of the people; and that all his "usurpations" have been confined to checking those of the advocates of consolidation, disunion, monopolies, and lastly a great consolidated moneyed aristocracy, equally dangerous to liberty from the power it legally possesses, and those it has usurped. Yet this is the man whom the usurpers themselves denounce as a usurper. This is the man against whom the concentrated venom

of disappointed ambition and baffled avarice is vainly striving to contend in the heads and hearts of the American people, and to bury under a mass of wilful calumnies. This is the very man whose whole soul is wound up to the great and glorious task of restoring the EQUAL RIGHTS of his fellow-citizens, as they are guarantied by the letter and spirit of the constitution. May Providence send us a succession of such USURPERS as Andrew Jackson, and spare the people from such champions of liberty as Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Daniel Webster, George Poindexter, and Nicholas Biddle!

[From the Evening Post, May 26, 1835.]

THE

AMERICAN INDEMNITY BILL PASSED
By the French Chambers,

PRINCIPAL AND INTEREST.

THE Bill of Indemnity is at length passed, principal, interest, and all, in exact compliance with the Treaty; but accompanied with a condition, which, if it be any thing more than mere French gasconading, puts the prospect of restitution to this country for the outrages long since committed on our commerce further off than ever. The President of the United States, it will be seen, is required to make an apology to France for the terms of his last annual message, before we can be paid our just and too long deferred debt! He is to offer a satisfactory explanation! He is to refine away all that true republican grit which it seems made his communication to Congress too rough for the delicate nerves of Frenchmen. He is to emasculate his proposition of reprisals of all its 'virulity, and to go on his kness and beg pardon for daring to intimate that, if further insulted by France again refusing

to perform her violated promise, it would become the duty of America to take the redress of her grievances into her own hands, and pay herself her admitted claim. This is the ground on which the French Government de mands the explanation of the President of the United States, as the condition on which she will pay her too long deferred debt. If General Jackson complies with this condition, we have much mistaken the character and temper of that heroic man. And we have much mistaken the spirit of the American people if they would not cast him off from their affections for so doing, deeply fixed as he is in the hearts of his countrymen. The very proposition by France is an additional insult, and compliance with it would be degradation far greater, than would have been, a year ago, the total remission of the debt due from that country.

But there is not the slightest reason to apprehend that this insolent demand will in any degree be complied with. If the President makes any communication at all on the subject, it will be one which France may consider an apology or explanation, if she pleases, but which will receive a very contrary interpretation from all the rest of the world. The truth is no explanation is expected. The whole proposition is a mere last ineffectual splutter to turn attention from the sorry attitude in which the French Government has placed itself by its bad faith, and by lending a too credulous ear to the representations of M. Serrurier and others, that the United States might be fobbed off, from time to time, as long as it suited the pleasure of France to temporise. The energetic message of General Jackson rudely awakened that Government from its delusion. They suddenly found that they were dealing with an Administration which would "ask nothing that was not clearly right, and submit to nothing They saw that this Administration

that was wrong."

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possessed the unbounded confidence of a vast majority of the American people, and that its noble rule of action in its foreign relations met with their cordial approval. They saw that there was a fixed determination on the part of this Government and this people to obtain our just and acknowledged debt from France, " peaceably if we could, forcibly if we must." Seeing this, the tone of France was at once wonderfully lowered, and the silly measures of bravado that Government has adopted to hide its real sentiments and motives of action do but add to the ludicrousness of the unfortunate posture in which it has placed itself. The United States will get the indemnity, principal and interest in full, according to the Treaty negotiated by Mr. Rives; and France will get no apology-nothing bearing even such a remote resemblance to one, that it can be palmed off upon the world as such by all the vaunting and gasconading of sputtering Frenchmen. To such luckless straits a nation is reduced that has not sense enough of right to redeem its faith, nor might enough to maintain its perfidy.

The Bill of Indemnity it will be seen was passed by a vote of 289 to 137.

CORPORATION PROPERTY.

[From the Evening Post, June 3, 1835.]

THE property belonging to the corporation of this city is estimated, in the Message of the Mayor which we had the pleasure of presenting to our readers a few days since, at ten millions of dollars. Of the property which is valued at this sum, a very small portion is actually required for the purposes of government. A large part of it consists of town lots, wholly unproductive. Another part consists of lots and tenements leased or rented for a

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