considers them " as serving to corroborate the opinion that the Phoenicians had footing in this kingdom." This notion is controverted by Dr. Ledwich, who observes that there would be some difficulty in proving that the Cannæ swords were really Carthaginian, and were lost 2000 years back, since historians say that only 1500 Africans and Spaniards fell, and more than 45,000 Romans. Cannae was, likewise, the theatre of many battles, besides that between Hannibal and the Romans. In conclusion Dr. Ledwich remarks, that "it is well known, from ancient writers that it must be the celebrated Spanish swords with which Hannibal's army was furnished, and as well known that they were short. Whereas the Roman were, like those found in Ireland, long and heavy, by which they penetrated the armour to the very body. The Carthaginians never visited the frozen regions of the north, and yet brazen swords, and other metallic implements, have been discovered there."

In different parts of Ireland, chiefly on digging the bogs, there have been found numerous articles of pure gold, which prove the inhabitants to have been acquainted with that precious metal in very early ages. These discoveries consist principally of ornaments for the person, and supposed insignia of office, several of which are of a character quite unique, and have given rise to a great variety of conjectures. The remote antiquity of their construction is sufficiently evinced by their singularity of character, and unknown appropriation, whilst the execution of the decorative part frequently evinces a considerable proficiency in the arts. A description of the principal of these articles will be found under the heads of the respective counties in which they were discovered.

OBSERVATIONS ON AGRICULTURE, COMMERCE, MANUFACTURES, AND OTHER PARTICULARS RELATING TO

THE PRESENT STATE OF IRELAND.

AGRICULTURE AND RURAL ECONOMICS.-Although it may appear, on a hasty view, that these subjects are but slightly connected with those topographical delineations which constitute the principal object of the present Work, the contrary will be deemed the fact, on mature deliberation. The aspect of a country; the state of the middle and humble classes of society; and the bearings of numerous regulations of civil polity; are greatly involved in the discussion of these topics, and hold forth the promise of intelligence more generally interesting than the mere details of rural practice.

Agriculture, of primary importance in every country, acquires additional consequence in districts where manufactures and commerce are in an infant or drooping condition, owing to the want of capital, or to a contrary bias in the temper and habits of society. Such is the situation of Ireland. Her great natural opportunities for the cultivation of commercial enterprize are, unhappily, of little avail; her manufactures are few, and chiefly confined to one part of the island. To agriculture she is equally propelled by fertility of soil and plenitude of population; but many adverse circumstances have retarded her progress towards a due proficiency in this important art, the solid and sure foundation of national prosperity. To trace to their source the actuating causes of this backwardness in a pursuit of vital utility, would require numerous pages of painful investigation. It may be sufficient to notice, in the present place, some of the most obvious of the existing evils.

A considerable impediment to an improved system of cultivation proceeds from the usual form of tenure, and the want of confidence between the landlord and the tenant. Land, throughout a great part of Ireland, is viewed merely as a marketable commodity, and is let to the highest bidder, without such a consideration of his pretensions, in regard to capital, skill and industry, as is necessary towards obtaining an equitable mode of cultivation.

The absence of that species of paternal tie which still, in a great measure, exists in England between the landlord and the occupier, and induces a spirit of co-operation productive equally of private and public benefit, affords, in itself, a sufficient cause of neglect and ill-management.

Leases for a considerable term are granted throughout the whole of the country; but, in general, with attendant circumstances destructive of the advantages they appear calculated to produce. They are destitute of clauses restraining the tenant to a salutary succession of crops; and the grantee has often the privilege of re-letting to others. "Thus," to use the words of Mr. Young," the over-grown tenant, who is probably no farmer, has that security which the cultivator of the land should have; who, on the contrary, is often only tenant at will. In this pernicious system, long leases are practised, without one good effect flowing from them." Where the tenancy of land is thus a matter of barter, and the eagerness for an immediate increase of rental prevents a provision for the maintenance of the soil in a healthful condition, a flourishing state of agriculture is not to be expected.

The system of granting a long lease to presumed capitalists, either through the usual temptation of a sum of money, or for the purpose of simplifying the mode of receiving a rental, is, assuredly,

It is observed by Mr. Wakefield that the "income of estates in Ireland varies from the lowest value to £100,000 per annum ;" but, as it has been a common practice to grant leases for ever, or for 999 years, the fee of extensive estates often belong to persons who at present receive very little "head-rent." This custom, by which the possessors of landed property would appear to have shown a blamable indifference to the interests of posterity, is justly ascribed, by Mr. Young, to the small value of land in Ireland, before, and even through a considerable part of, the last century, joined to "the unfortunate civil wars, and other intestine divisions, which, for a long space of time, kept this unhappy country in a state rather of devastation than improvement." Under such circumstances, short, or even determinable leases, were not sufficient encouragement for a settlement; but the practice was injuriously continued after the original motives ceased to operate.

a severe grievance to the country, and merits all the reprobation which it has frequently experienced. In this system the lease of landed property is the floating representation of a specific bonus, and is as much an object of speculation in the national market, as the nominal thousands of the Stock Exchange. It passes through various hands, and creates middle-men, of different degrees, who sever the landlord and the occupier beyond all hope of re-union.

There have occurred, lately, ingenious writers who seek to defend the custom of creating these middle-men; but, as it would appear, such authors are actuated rather by a fondness for attracting notice from bold novelties of opinion, than by any more rational motive. That peculiar cases exist, in which, from the present state of Ireland, there may be propriety in admitting an intermediate tenant, must, however, be allowed. Such a position of circumstances is supposed by Mr. Wakefield, in his recent statistical work, and we present the substance of his remarks.—" If an extensive tract of country be waste, or nearly in a state of nature, it would answer no useful purpose to place on it a number of indigent persons destitute of skill in agriculture. The only desirable tenant for property of this description, must be a man possessed of money and agricultural experience; and when such a person shall have improved the land it must be equitable that he should reap the benefit of his exertions. Thus, he would divide the estate into small portions among active sub-tenants; and the landlord ought to rejoice in a prosperity so intimately connected with his own, and so truly beneficial to the country." That such instances have occurred we are convinced from personal knowledge; but they act as no excuse for persevering in the system on an indiscriminate scale. The character of too many of these intervening tenants, and the evils inflicted by their possession of power, produce the most weighty calamities experienced by the labouring classes.

The very general want of capital amongst the small farmers, induces the frequent custom of persons uniting their means, and entering on a farın in the shape of a joint-stock company. Thus, one furnishes a horse, and another a cow, whilst all contribute their

personal labour to the general fund. It must be superfluous to expatiate on the evils naturally arising from such a practice, where there is no directing mind, and an unavoidable want of a due stimulus to individual exertion.

The size of farms, as well as the mode of culture under which they are placed, varies greatly in different parts of the country; and in this, as in many other particulars relating to Ireland, extremes are more usually found than the temperate mediocrity essential to the solid prosperity of a nation. In the manufacturing districts of the north, the farms, if such the small allotments of land may be termed, are limited to a few acres ; and agriculture is there so entirely subservient to manufactures, that the severe remark made by Mr. Young is still in some measure applicable : "The cultivators of these lands no more deserve the name of farmers, than the occupier of a mere cabbage-garden." In the counties of Limerick, Tipperary, Roscommon and Meath, the grazing farms are of extraordinary extent, one occupier frequently holding more than a thousand acres. In the arable counties, as Kilkenny, Carlow, and Kildare, a more judicious mediocrity is often found, although inordinate disproportions are still too common for the real interests of society, particularly as regards the formation of a valuable class of husbandmen who feel no true want, and covet no meretricious and enervating enjoyment.

The most serious evil in this country, as relates to the size of farms, assuredly consists in the minute tenures into which arable lands are broken. Poetry may sigh over those days in which

66 Every rood of ground maintain❜d its man,"

but such a distribution of property is evidently one of the greatest calamities that a country can experience; as it tends to produce a redundant population, groveling in a sordid semblance of content, and nurturing a pernicious rudeness of customs. This evil is felt by Ireland throughout some of her finest districts, and is partly to be ascribed to the desire entertained by landlords of augmenting their political influence, by the creation of a miserable race of freeholders, whose value in society is estimated solely by their numbers as voters towards returning a member of the imperial