In doing this we likewise fetter the mind, and prevent free and conscientious inquiry, and expose ourselves to one of the most grievous errors, viz., that of hiding the faults or crimes of those who profess the same tenets with ourselves. The catholic orders as well as many protestant sects have frequently committed this grave fault, of, as it has been repeatedly called, mistaking the means, the uniting into a sect or church, for the object, that is, in this case truth, religion, active piety. I have mentioned already the just view of Augustine on this subject, that it be better that scandal arise than that truth and justice suffer. This false spirit is not peculiar to religious societies; all bodies of men have that espritdu-corps and weakness of shrinking from disclosing their fellow-members; but as fanaticism always believes that every thing it does or suffers is for the honor of God, so is religious fanaticism peculiarly apt to mislead in this particular.

Of vast danger is religious fanaticism in politics if it seizes upon free nations, and introduces the test of religion-which if this word is applied to large masses, and by way of distinction, means of course the profession of certain tenets-into politics. The state is the jural society, and as conscientious citizens we have no right to judge by any thing but relations of right. We act unconscientiously if, for instance, in voting for or against a citizen, we are influenced by other tests, than his uprightness, honesty, capacity and general fitness for the particular object. It is indirect persecution if we are influenced by dogmas, for he has a right to have his own, as we have ours; we turn the state from its true end, we promote the mere profession of tenets, that is hypocrisy, and may, for aught we can calculate,

open the way to open and cruel persecution. The history of the western and eastern empires after the conversion of Constantine, when dogmas became the most active elements of politics, and led to indescribable misery and wretchedness, physical and mental, as well as the many instances of the unfortunate and unhallowed application of dogmas to politics by both protestants and catholics, arising out of the religious struggle of the times of the reformation ought to be taken as a lesson, too grave ever to be disregarded. Yet I repeat that persecution may be violent, undermining and ruinous, without showing itself in bloodshed. It may be strictly social, and thus degrading that which is best of all things that man can possess a pure and true religion. The more a man values his religion and the sacred communion, which the infinite Deity permits a finite individual to hold with himself, the less he will be apt to desire its desecration by making his belief a test of external intercourse with society at large. The more men pretend to intermix politics or the intercourse arising out of mutual exchange with religion, the surer we may always be that they are either blinded by fanaticism, or prompted by selfish ends, or, as is the most common, jointly by both.

(1) The letter of the bishop of Norwich, November 1, 1838. The bishop of Durham had previously written one. Both found it necessary to excuse their subscribing on the ground that they did it on account of politeness to Mr. Turner, the unitarian author, according to them, a man of unblemished character, and great talent. Requisitions to the archbishop of Canterbury, to institute an episcopal commission to inquire into the conduct of the two bishops, "in having subscribed to a work intended to promulgate the infidel heresy of Socinianism," were signed by the clergy of the several dioceses. The epithets given to the two

prelates, remind one of the worst and bitterest times of controversy, and when the church preached and supported the doctrine of divine right and absolute obedience. They were called "consecrated culprits," "obscene and flippant pamphleteers," "timesserving remonstrants," "rotten liberals," "hardened criminals," "men at the thought of whom the soul sickens," "liberal and Protean bishops," "loose and lowly priests," "Judases," "perfidious prelates," "surpliced traitors," "white-robed ministers of Satan," "pet-sons of the devil," and many more equally disgusting. All these invectives were in articles of tory papers, which sanctimoniously pretended to write for the true cause of Christ, and the crown of England, frequently in strains of blasphemous hypocrisy. Indeed, seeing at the distance as we did, those articles of virulence and acrimony, garuished with passages from the book of peace and love, we could hardly believe that they belonged to our times. It is the duty of every well-wisher of his species firmly to look truth in the face, and fix upon evils, if dangerous, without fear. It is in this spirit that this note has been written. Let us all take an example, and call scandal what is scandalous, disgraceful what disgraces, and gloss nothing over in fear or sectarian party spirit.

CHAPTER VII.

Patriotism.-The Patriotism of the Ancients; of the Moderns.-Some have rejected Patriotism - National Conceitedness, Pride.-Narrowness of Feeling a Counterfeit of Patriotism.-What is true Patriotism?-It is noble and necessary for Liberty Loyalty.-Public Spirit.-What it consists in.Calamitous Consequences of a want of Public Spirit.-Veneration of the Old; Forefathers.-How far just, necessary.-When injurious.-The Age of Action under Forty; of Conservatism over Forty.-Do Times grow worse? -When are we more experienced than our Forefathers?-Stagnation and Heedlessness.

LXV. WE have seen, towards the end of the first volume, that with the ancients the individual, as to right, was almost absorbed by the state; all they were felt to be, they were in and through the state; and their state was not only a political institution, but a separate religion, with peculiar national deities and distinct national dogmas, was closely interwoven with it. The national religion thus aided in separating the specific state or nation from others—a circumstance powerfully promoted by another fact. The Greeks, and after them the Romans, were so far advanced in civilisation beyond the other tribes known to them, that they looked down upon them as benighted beings of an inferior kind; the stranger was a barbarian. In the attachment, therefore, which an ancient felt for his state, in his love of country, his patriotism, were united and amalgamated nearly all the intensest affections, which animate the human breast -religion, with all the powerful associations of poetry,

legends, and mythologic history; the affection for his kindred tribe and native land, its institutions and history, its language and literature; and consciousness of superiority, disdain of foreigners, and hatred when they became invaders and threatened to smother this superior civilisation. When the Persian attacked the Greek, his life and property was not only endangered, his whole existence as an individual, which we believe will last beyond this earthly existence, his very goods were endangered. Patriotism, therefore, comprehended the acme of all virtuous feelings, of piety, of love of civilisation; it was the meridian of man's most noble existence. Christianity severed religion from the soil, from man as a citizen. He was told that religion is above, beyond the difference of language, color, kindred, descent or country. Chivalry arose and became a tie beyond national affection; the church with its monasteries became a super-national society, which with its common language, the Latin, the monastic orders extending over many political limits, and under one common discipline, the seminaries, mingling the youths of various nations, the pilgrimages to distant lands, (1) and the frequent emigrations of priests, produced a common feeling, despite of the many feuds between parts and particles in this European society. Vast enthusiastic movements, such as the crusades, aided still more, if not in cementing nations, for the feudal systems prevented this, in extinguishing that form of patriotism which it had naturally assumed with the ancients. In course of time, however, three great historical processes took place in the European race-first, that which I should like to call the nationalization of tribes and governments; France became gradually one France, Spain, one Spain; then the