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member of the commonwealth fhall take in political contentions, the vote he shall give, the counfels he shall approve, the fupport he shall afford, or the oppofition he fhall make, to any fyftem of public measures, is as much a queftion of perfonal duty, as much concerns the confcience of the individual who deliberates as the determination of any doubt which relates to the conduct of private life; that confequently political philofophy is, properly fpeaking, a continuation of moral philosophy or rather indeed, a part of it, fuppofing moral philosophy to have for its aim the information of the human confcience in every deliberation that is likely to come before it. I might avail myfelf of these excufes, if I wanted them; but the vindication upon which I rely is the following. In ftating the principle of morals, the reader will obferve, that I have employed fome industry in explaining the theory, and shewing the neceffity of GENERAL RULES; without the full and conftant confideration of which, I am perfuaded that no fyftem of moral philofophy can be fatisfactory or confiftent. This foundation being laid, or rather, this habit being formed, the difcuffion of political fubjects, to which, more than to almoft any other, general rules are applicable, became clear and easy. Whereas had these topics been affigned to a diftinct work, it would have been neceffary to have repeated the fame rudiments, to have eftablifhed over again the fame principles as thofe which we had already exemplified, and rendered familiar to the reader, in the former parts of this. In a word, if there appear to any

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one too great a diverfity, or too wide a diftance between the fubjects treated of in the course of the prefent volume, let him be reminded, that the doctrine of general rules pervades and connects the whole...

It may not be improper, however, to admonifh the reader, that under the name of PoLITICS, he is not to look for thofe occafional controverfies, which the occurrences of the prefent day, or any temporary fituation of public affairs may excite; and most of which, if not beneath the dignity, it is beside the purpofe of a philofophical inftitution to advert to. He will perceive that the feveral difquifitions are framed with a reference to the condition of this country, and of this government: but it feemed to me to belong to the design of a work like the following, not fo much to difcufs each altercated point with the particularity of a political pamphlet upon the fubject, as to deliver thofe univerfal principles, and to exhibit, as well as I was able; that mode and train of reafoning in politics, by the due application of which every man might be enabled to attain to juft conclufions of his own.

I am not ignorant of an objection that has been advanced against all abstract speculations concerning the origin, principle, or limitation of civil authority; namely, that such speculations poffefs little or no influence upon the conduct either of the ftate or of the fubject, of the governors or the governed; nor are attendcd with any ufeful confequences to either: that in times of tranquillity they are not wanted; in times of confufion they are never B

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heard. This reprefentation however, in my opinion, is not juft. Times of tumult, it is true, are not the times to learn; but the choice men make of their fide and party, in the most critical occafions of the commonwealth, may nevertheless depend upon the leffons they have received, the books they have read, and the opinions they have imbibed, in seasons of leisure and quietnefs. Some judicious perfons, who were present at Geneva during the troubles which lately convulfed that city, thought they perceived in the contentions there carrying on, the operation of that political theory, which the writings of Rouffeau, and the unbounded efteem in which these writings are held by his countrymen, had diffused amongst the people. Throughout the political difputes that have within thefe few years taken place in Great Britain, in her fifter kingdom, and in her foreign dependencies, it was impoffible not to observe, in the language of party, in the refolutions of popular meetings, in debate, in converfation, in the general strain of those fugitive and diurnal addresfes to the public, which fuch occafions call forth, the prevalency of thofe ideas of civil authority which are difplayed in the works of Mr. Locke. The credit of that great name, the courage and liberality of his principles, the fkill and clearnefs with which his arguments are propofed, no lefs than the weight of the arguments themselves, have given a reputation and currency to his opinions, of which, I am perfuaded, in any unfettled ftate of public afTairs, the influence would be felt. As this is

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not a place for examining the truth or tendency of thefe doctrines, I would not be underftood, by what I have faid, to express any judgment concerning either. I only mean to remark, that fuch doctrines are not without effect; and that it is of PRACTICAL importance to have the principles from which the obligations of focial union, and extent of civil obedience are derived, rightly explained and well understood. Indeed, as far as I have obferved, in political, beyond all other fubjects, where men are without fome fundamental and fcientific principles to refort to, they are liable to have their understandings played upon by cant phrases and unmeaning terms, of which every party in every country poffefs a vocabulary. We appear aftonished when we fee the multitude led away by founds; but we should remember that, if founds work miracles, it is always upon ignorance. The influence of names is in exact proportion to the want of knowledge.

Thefe are the obfervations with which I have judged it expedient to prepare the attention of my reader. Concerning the perfonal motives which engaged me in the following attempt, it is not neceffary that I fay much; the nature of my academical fituation, a great deal of leisure fince my retirement from it, the recommendation of an honoured and excellent friend, the authority of the venerable prelate to whom these labours are infcribed, the not perceiving in what way I could employ my time or talents better, and my disapprobation in literary men of that faftidious

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indolence, which fits ftill because it difdains to do LITTLE, were the confiderations that directed my thoughts to this defign. Nor have I repented of the undertaking. Whatever be the fate or reception of this work, it owes its author nothing. In fickness and in health I have found in it that which can alone alleviate the one, or give enjoyment to the other-occupation and engagement.

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