Orientalisms. There is a tower clock in Teheran which must be wound every eight days. A special man is employed, and on Monday he winds the clock and, patiently smoking his pipe for a week, watches it run down. He is said to be the most contented servant in the town. Perhaps his “job” might be paralleled among some of our Government employees, allowing for a slight difference of proportion.

THE ENEID

No Latin poet except Horace has been oftener translated than Virgil, and none with less success. Both the frequency and failure are significant. They show how pre-eminent, how fascinating, Virgil is, inciting his reader, as he constantly does, to recast ancient beauty in modern forms; yet they show no less how inwrought with one another Virgil's form and matter are and how stubbornly they resist separation. "Lord of language," Tennyson has called Virgil; for his phrases have magic in the web of them, like those of Spenser, Milton, or even of Tennyson himself. To say what he has said in other words than his is

an artistic feat of which few are capable. In one of the most valuable portions of his book,' the Introductory Essay, Mr. Williams has set forth the traits of Virgil which obscure and commend him to the men of to-day with a lucidity and compact fullness difficult to find elsewhere in English. Comprehending so fully the spirit of his author, Mr. Williams has been able to reach astonishing success in turning the Æneid into English blank verse. Here is a translation of exceptional force, grace, accuracy, and readability. The present writer knows no version which equals it either in faithfulness to the original or in literary ease. Conington is too ingenious, Cranch too dry, Bowen too artificial, Rhoades too grammatical, and Taylor too romantically loose. But these are the admirable renderings with which the new one must compete. Nobody can give ten minutes to critical comparison and fail to perceive Mr. Williams's superiority. Into these pages nothing is admitted which does not belong to Virgil, and nothing appears in Virgil which is not adequately represented here. Yet, minute and delicate as the transfer is, it is the phrase which is carried over and not the single words. There is none of that matching of words and constructions which too often produces in translations a strangely distorted English. This book is a piece of literature and no "pony." Virgil's matter has been passed through a poetic mind, and freshly minted into current coin; but no alloy has been added, nor has any of

1 The Eneid of Virgil. Translated by Theodore C. Williams. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston. $1.

the original disappeared. The verse, too, is flexible, rising into balanced power in Virgil's many elevated passages, keeping itself swift and engaging in ordinary narrative. Being already a successful poet, schoolmaster, and user of delicate speech, Mr. Williams is in condition to respond to rather conflicting claims of his exacting author. The publishers have done their work well, giving a simple and beautiful setting to a book which has evidently been a labor of love, and one which is likely to remain for a long time a standard rendering of the Æneid.

VITAL

AMERICAN PROBLEMS

In this book' the author states the Trust, Railway, Labor, and Negro Problems, and proposes remedies. In brief, they are, for our inter-State railway problem, Federal incorporation and supervision; for municipal and State railways, supervision by a State Corporation Department; for the labor problem, either a law requiring all labor contracts to be in writing and providing summary measures of relief if either party breaks the contract without justification, or mediation and arbitration; and for the negro problem universal and practical education. Some of the author's suggestions are new; but in the main his volume is valuable as a compact and at the same time comprehensive statement of the various plans for dealing with our industrial problems which have been struck out in public debate. It will be a useful book, both because of its clarity of statement and of its suggestiveness. This is not the place for us to consider the practical value of his proposed solutions in detail.

A HANDY BIBLE ENCYCLOPÆDIA

The object of this Encyclopædia, justly called handy since it is a volume of less than four hundred pages, is to supply what was formerly supplied by the Teachers' "Helps" in the Teachers' Bibles. It is a concordance and more. Thus when the reader comes to "Assyria" he finds a paragraph article upon that Empire. The advantage of the book is that a lay teacher, having neither the time, the books, nor the scholarship to enter upon a detailed study of doubtful questions, finds a concise, dictionary-like statement to aid her in her work. The difficulty is that the brevity required and perhaps the demands of extreme conservatives combine to make the information inadequate and sometimes misleading. Thus Dr. Hurlbut gives the date of the Four Gospels as all in the first century, while it is

1 Vital American Problems. By H. E. Montgomery. GP Putnam's Sons, New York. $150.

2 Hurlbut's Handy Bible Encyclopædia. Edited by the Rev. Jesse Lyman Hurlbut, D.D. The John C. Winston Company. $3.

at least very uncertain whether the Fourth Gospel was not written in the first quarter of the second century; and he so reports upon Ecclesiastes and Solomon's Song as to leave the impression on the lay teacher that the opinion is still entertained among scholars that both were the product of Solomon's pen, an opinion which we hardly think is now entertained by any eminent Hebraist. Hastings's "Dictionary of the Bible," which gives the consensus of modern conservative scholarship as well as any modern work, dismisses as entirely untenable the Solomonic authorship of either work. As a concordance and, to some extent, as a dictionary, this volume will serve a useful purpose as a "help," but it would have served a still more useful purpose if it had been a quarter larger and had better interpreted the best modern scholarship—not radical, but conservative. It is beautifully gotten up and is handsomely illustrated.

PUBLIC OPINION

POSTAL SAVINGS BANKS AND THE LOCAL BANKS

I have just noted your remarks in The Outlook of December 12 on Postal Savings. I am very familiar with a large part of the rural districts of Nebraska and Iowa, and as I am greatly interested in Postal Savings, I have made it a point to approach bankers, business men, and farmers I come in contact with, on the subject, and I don't recall any but a few bankers who do not want the measure, with the one exception that the money deposited with the local post-office be in turn kept in the local National banks. The only distrust of the measure seems to be that the money will be sent East to Government depositories.

I am not familiar with the National Banking Laws; but if a provision can be made so that, under the Postal Savings Act, the local National banks become United States Depositories to the extent that they care for the local deposits, the Middle West will vote "Yea!" on Postal Savings. The West has no use for New York financially. They want their money kept in the West, and they will keep it here if they have to bury it. Omaha, Nebraska.

GEORGE LIggett.

[The condition suggested by our correspondent under which the people of the Middle West would welcome the Postal Savings Bank is already a part of the plan as presented to Congress. The PostmasterGeneral in his annual report said: "Under the bill now before the Senate with a favorable report from the Committee on Post

Offices and Post-Roads, the money would be widely distributed, as it would be placed in the National banks in the districts where the deposits were first brought to the postoffices. The Government would not go into the banking business. The National banks are to pay 24 per cent for the deposits, the Government in turn to pay the depositors 2 per cent, retaining one-fourth of 1 per cent in order that the system may be self-sustaining. No interest would be paid by the Government on deposits over $500." We are glad of this testimony from an observer in one of the regions where the postal banks would be most useful. We believe heartily that the banks would benefit the people in several ways, and help rather than injure the established savings banks.-THE EDITORS.]

A TRIP WORTH WHILE

In order to study conditions of negroes at first hand and to encourage them in their efforts along material, moral, and educational lines, Dr. Booker T. Washington, with a party of distinguished negroes, has recently completed a very interesting trip through the State of Mississippi. The details were arranged and executed largely by Charles Banks, Vice-President of the National Negro Business League, and a prominent negro banker of Mound Bayou, Mississippi. Many people seriously doubted the advisability of such an enterprise, especially as the relations between the races in that State are reputed to be much estranged.

We visited the three educational institutions for negroes at Holly Springs, two of which have been built since the State Normal

School at that place was closed during the administration of Governor Vardaman, and by his recommendation. One, the Methodist, is especially well equipped in grounds and buildings, and it is noteworthy that a large proportion of the thousands of dollars that have gone into that institution during the last four years has come from the white people of Mississippi.

Besides Holly Springs we visited Jackson, Utica, Natchez, Greenville, Vicksburg, and Mound Bayou. At all of these places Dr. Washington spoke, and in every case the largest auditorium in the city was secured, and at no place was there sufficient room to accommodate the thousands of people who clamored for entrance.

Among the surprising things about this trip was that the audiences were largely composed of white people, and usually the most prominent citizens. One not familiar with Mississippi was constantly surprised at the pleasant business relations existing between the two races and the material prog

ress of the colored people in the cities as well as in the country districts. One rarely, if ever, sees more prosperous colored people anywhere. They have good homes, fine, wellcultivated farms, excellent private schools and churches, and, among numerous business enterprises, some twelve successful banking institutions, with every evidence of progress and prosperity.

The interesting place visited is the city of Mound Bayou, which was founded about sixteen years ago by Isaiah T. Montgomery, who was a slave of the late Jefferson Davis. He conceived the idea that it would be a good thing for negroes to settle in this unoccupied section, where land was fertile and where they might have a chance to demonstrate their ability to abide in a separate community and live harmoniously and prosperously. Mound Bayou now has one thousand negro inhabitants, and there are some eight thousand negroes who are situated on the thirty thousand acres of land owned by them immediately surrounding Mound Bayou. It has its negro mayor, alderman, postmaster, station-master, its bank, three cotton gins, one or two sawmills, a $100,000 cottonseed oil mill under construction, streets laid out, city lighted by gas, and everything one sees in the modern Southern community.

In Greenville Dr. Washington, in emphasizing the importance of education for his people, was interrupted by Mr. Archer, the City Superintendent of Schools, a Southern man, who said: "Mr. Washington, I wish you would urge your people in this city and county to send their children to school. We have the money and the white people of Greenville have the disposition to educate the negroes. We have only six hundred negro children in school in this city out of a school population of over fifteen hundred. They should not lose this opportunity.”

At Natchez, after an address to all the large theater could hold, a Southern planter owning some thirty thousand or more acres of land just across the Mississippi River in Louisiana, shaking hands with Dr. Washington, said: "Dr. Washington, if you will come over into Louisiana and talk to my people, white and black, as you have talked to-night, I will pay your way and take all the responsibility in arranging as large a meeting and in getting together as many people of both races as you can possibly speak to. It would be wise if the people of the South could arrange to have you speak in every town and hamlet."

These two quotations clearly illustrate the impression made upon the people generally and the value of such a trip through the State.

There was not an unpleasant incident throughout the trip. The uniform courtesy of the officials of railway companies and the police officers everywhere and the populace generally was all that one could wish.

The frank and wholesome advice which Dr. Washington gave to his own people, the straightforward, earnest plea he everywhere made to the white people to be fair and just in their dealings with the negro, the universal enthusiasm with which his words were received, the editorial comments of Mississippi newspapers, make one tremendously hopeful that the race question will be ultimately adjusted with equal justice and absolute fairness for all who are concerned.

R. B. MOTON.

Hampton Institute, Hampton, Virginia.

In the issue of The Outlook for November 14 is an article headed "Election Aftermath." From the third division of the article the following quotations are made: "Because an issue is a great issue, however, it is not necessarily an issue for National politics. . . . The fact that in Indiana, where the Democratic party had the support of the liquor interests, that party won the Governorship, should not be misinterpreted. That it means the repudiation by Indiana of progress toward State prohibition, which has been advancing through the South, is clear; but it does not mean the victory of intemperance over temperance. The fact is that there, as in some other States, it was a contest between town and county option, and the forces for town option were stronger. The election shows that, in spite of the great 'temperance tidal wave,' the American people are not allowing themselves to be swept away by enthusiasm for drastic but unenforceable laws. This is not to be deplored."

"ELECTION AFTERMATH "

From division four: "The American people apparently do not repose-never have reposed-much confidence in any party of protest. They listened to the Abolitionists, but when they wanted to do something about slavery they did not use the Abolitionists as their instrument."

Beginning with the last statement, I wish enlightenment.

While the nominal righting of the crime of slavery did not pass through the hands of the Abolitionist party, the work done by that party had such power and wholesome influence that other parties adopted its tenets perforce, in order to retain the large number of conscientious thinkers who had otherwise had no alternative but to join the Abolitionists, for "they listened to them." Yes, listened until their souls were educated to the

point of active expression. And so the conclusion is reached that "the American people wanted to do something about slavery" because of the Abolitionists, who were also "American people." A projectile hasn't force unless there be the man behind the gun.

That there is a feeling prevailing in the minds of the people that leaders of great reforms are probably highly developed along certain particular lines to the exclusion of other weighty matters, thus depriving them of ability for National leaders, may be truly said. And perhaps that is safe ground.

The next question that arises is as to what subjects are fitting for National politics. We have in the past taken up the subject of Chinese emigration as one of National issue, because it seemed a menace to our country. We have said "hands off" when other countries have threatened our sister countries. Even the matter of a boundary line led to the party cry of "Fifty-four forty or fight." That our public school system owes its existence to National thought and influence can scarcely be denied. Our Nation took its proper place in provision for public highways and other things that would be of public benefit.

66

Perhaps there is nothing that so menaces the life of our Nation, the strength of her young manhood and womanhood, as does this great octopus-the debauchery of strong drink; an evil so great that, when men begin to recoil from its hold, its promoters send out their servants to create appetite' for this vitiating, devastating thing. The children are lured into a habit from which, unaided, they cannot escape. Not longer ago than last year, as teacher in a public school in southwestern Ohio, I found children of the first grade of school who would come to school and fall into the deep sleep of exhaustion. Upon inquiry I found that these children were hired to "set up tenpins" in the bowling alley attached to the saloon, and they were kept at it until two and three o'clock in the morning, accounting it a matter of which to boast that "the fellers left some of their drinks in the bottom of the glass for them." Further up in the grades of the same school, the fourth year, a boy came to school intoxicated. Nor was this in the slum districts, but just an ordinary village school.

If the country should suddenly be overrun with lions and tigers that preyed on the children, the Government would speedily adopt means for their extinction. What is

the meaning of the "temperance tidal wave" if it be not the voice of the millions crying out for National succor from the evil that overwhelms us? There seems small hope for a nation, a community, or a family that does not defend its youth.

Which signifies the more-that States have made political issue of the question and gained the day by great majorities, or that Indiana has cast the jewels that were offered her beneath her feet? And why does Indiana refuse this benefit? Because "there, as in some other States, it was a contest between town and county option, and the forces for town option were stronger." Let us see. The State has had a number of sections of country where every little grocery store handles intoxicating liquors, paying little tax and dispensing large quantities for comparatively small pay. No one objects to the omission of the tax, for they would shield the dispenser to the last man, even as the moonshiners shield their stills. These are things that have come under the observation of the writer. There are also communities where to vote anything but the popular ticket would mean local ostracism. With such forces at work it is not strange that town option won the day, even though the liquor question is disclaimed by the victorious.

When I began a teacher's career a few years ago, my first school was a country school in Indiana but four miles from a county seat. In the district were a number of families who firmly believed in witchcraft and had tale after tale to tell to authenticate their belief. Did that make it expedient for "the American people" to punish the ones whom they designated as witches, because of misdemeanors falsely laid to their charge? Or did that point a moral that the State, or even that county, was dominated by witchcraft? Yet, doubtless, in that particular community the matter would have had no question.

Indiana's action in this matter is, happily, an expression of but a minor part of the "American people."

BACK-PLATFORM ORATORY

ELIZABETH BOGART.

In correcting Mr. Simpson for saying that Mr. Bryan originated the Pullman backplatform Presidential campaign, Mr. Taylor does not go back far enough in citing Mr. Blaine's 1884 tour. Horace Greeley, in 1872, E. G. HOLDen.

anticipated Blaine.

Tryon, North Carolina.

A

FORTNIGHT after the depart

ure of Mr. Taft from the Philippines in in November, 1907, among the guests at a dinner party in Manila was the speaker of the Assembly, Señor Osmeña. This young man, for he is not yet thirty, is the leader of the Independistas. For years it was impossible to interest him actively in the work of the American Government, due to his persistently refusing office lest the sincerity of his opposition to American policies might be questioned. Mr. Taft had come to the islands to open the Assembly, and made no effort to disguise his fear, which at first oppressed him, that, in view of what he must say to them, he was to lose the love of the island people he had served so long and faithfully. His message to the Assembly was delivered the day following his arrival, and, as is well known, it was a blow to the hopes of the many who saw independence looming big in the distance. "For two generations at least" was the phrase of postponement that sent a chill through the ranks of the reactionaries, one of whom, good Dr. Lukban, left the hall, not in bitterness but in sorrow. With the same directness and the same challenging attitude which characterized his defense of his judicial decisions in the recent Presidential canvass, so at Manila on this occasion there was no mistaking his meaning, including the caution that if the measure of independence now granted them in the Assembly should be abused, they might expect a curtailment of their autonomic rights.

And so it happened that one of the party, curious to know the attitude of Osmeña and his associates towards the Secretary of War, asked the Speaker concerning their feelings; had the War Secretary strengthened himself among all classes? was he more firmly intrenched in their affections than before his coming?

The author of this article recently returned from Manila, where he has been engaged in the transportation business for six years, dissociated from government work. On the occasion of Mr. Taft's last visit to the islands he was Secretary of the Committee on Arrangements appointed by the Governor.-THE EDITORS.

The answer came as a flash. "He is much stronger, more beloved. We trust him absolutely!" No one present can forget the emphasis he threw on the last word, absolutamente.

There had been a dinner at the same place but two or three weeks earlier, when Mr. Taft was seated in the same chair, at the same table, where now sat Osmeña. He, too, had been asked a question whether, with all the honors accorded him since leaving the islands, he had been as happy as when at Manila building up the Philippine Government and worrying over us impatient Americans, who, it is to be feared, gave him many unhappy hours. Mrs. Taft was quicker to catch the drift of the question than her husband, and interrupted with an emphatic "No, never!" and he was prompt to confirm her answer.

Herein is, perhaps, the most remarkable feature of Mr. Taft's sojourn in the Orient: he is the first Saxon really to love the Malay, and the only Saxon the Malay ever regarded with an equal measure of affection. There have been many who have administered to the Filipino with exact justice, with infinite sympathy and patience, and thus commanded respect. Wright, Ide, and Smith have done this, and the names of many who have occupied subordinate official positions in the archipelago may be added with all propriety; and, in spite of a prevailing belief to the contrary, there are very few Americans in the islands to-day who are not quick to assert the Filipino's rights. But Taft's heart went out to these people with a positive yearning for a reciprocal regard It required his fullest power, when welcomed at the Ayuntamiento on the day of his arrival a year ago, to command his emotions. One may accept readily the authenticity of the remark recently credited to him by the press, "I am glad I am elected for what I can do for the Philippines. I can't forget my first love."

Mr. Taft has never lost sight of two classes in the islands-the tao in the provinces, and the boy learning the elementaries in the school. If you will remember