NEPAUL AND CHINA.*

Mr. Bullock, Professor of Chinese at Oxford, once acting as Chinese Secretary of Legation at Peking, has invited my attention to the fact that the Chinese Government always called Sikkim by the name Chêh-ménghiung. This I now think is undoubtedly the Tibetan name Demojong, which, according to the Encyclopædia Britannica, means Sikkim. Mr. Bullock also says he satisfied himself, when engaged in negotiations at Peking, that the P'a-k'ê-li of my paper in the January number on Nepaul (which I assumed to be some such name as Pagri) was Pari, or Pari-jong.

I see in the Enc. Brit. that the capital of Sikkim is Tumlung, and that the natives go in summer to Chumbi in Tibet. This last must be the Chomu of my paper (p. 78), and the former may be the Tsomulang or Chamulang of my paper (p. 70). Whether Tumlung and Chamulari are lifferent forms of one and the same native name, both represented by Tsomulang, I cannot say. According to the authorities cited in the Enc. Brit., the proper name of the Sikkim people is Rong, and the Goorkhas call them Lepcha: the Tibetans seem to call the Sikkim people Deun jong Maro.

The same Encyclopædia speaks of the Deb Rájá of Bhutan. This suggests a connection with the Diba of my paper (p. 15), in which I assume throughout that Sikkim is merely a part of, or the same as, Bhotan. This was because the Manchu Resident in Tibet, in some recent state papers treating of negotiations with India, speaks of two pênlo or divisions of the Brughba; the east called chungsa pênlo, and the west pachu pênlo. It is further stated in the Enc. Brit. that the Bhutanese formerly belonged to the Tephu tribe of Bhutiás, but that 200 years ago the Tibetans took possession.

What is now desirable to know, in order to get on the right tack, is (1) Are the Bhutanese and the Sikkimese both Tibetan tribes or not? if not, which is, if either is? (2) Has the word Bhutiyas or Bnutiás anything to do etymologically with Bhutan, Bhotan, Tübot, Tibet, and Bhod? (3) How many tribes, of what nationalities or races, go to worship at Swayambu?

The P'ai-lang of my paper (p. 79) is evidently the Farang of the Turkestan Persian-speaking tribes. I remember hearing an Affghan talking of Farson sahib, meaning "Mr. Parson," the ƒ and p evidently being mixed up in those parts. E. H. PARKER.

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE "FAR EAST." SIR,

The people in Great Britain, I am satisfied, are all more or less interested in the outcome of the war with Spain, and its attendant results. The discussion now going on in the American House of Congress, regarding the acceptance or rejection of the treaty of peace with Spain, has many sides to it, and the for and against has been urged with a considerable amount of reason and argument on both sides. But one thing is before the United States, which they cannot avoid, and that is they have become

* See article, Nepaul and China, January, 1899, pp. 64-82.

possessed of Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines by conquest, and they must make some settlement of the question, but no settlement which would give the lands back to Spain, or leave them without a protector. The lands which have been wrested from Spain have been so long under her dominion that they do not know what liberty means, and therefore they cannot be turned loose to shift for themselves, notwithstanding the Monroe doctrine or any other doctrine. The United States, it seems to me, cannot refuse to ratify the Treaty of Peace, and take the late Spanish lands under their care, until they can teach the people a lesson on liberty, and help them to realize the difference between it and the tyranny of the Spaniard. If the United States send out good Governors, and the best they can get are to be found in the army, where they have plenty of talent and men better fitted for this kind of work than any civilian. The danger, however, is that political pull will hand them over to the political clique, and that the Islands will be made the theatre of monopoly, and money-grabbing and its consequent oppression. If, however, they lead the native to put faith in the Government of the United States, that is to say, if it avoids the carpet-bagger of old times, and if they do not attempt to Westernize them, as has been done too much in India, there is no reason why the administration should not be a success, even if they have to whip Aguinaldo, and make him behave himself. It will require patience, with the complement of honesty and good intention, virtues which it is impossible to find in connection with the monopolist and schemer, who are dangerous everywhere to good order and good government, and who will yet wreck the American Republic itself, unless a time comes when the people will assert themselves and take matters in hand and call a halt. We want more "Abraham Lincolns" and fewer "Marcus Hannas." We want men whose love of country outweighs their love of gold. They are to be found amongst the common people of America, and they are the ones who ought to be set to work to found new republics, and especially to try to save the old one-that one young in years as a nation, but old and gray as a breeder of monopoly and its attendant evils.

R. A. SKUES, J.P., M.E., Late of the Old 69th Regiment.

Pitkin, Colorado,

February, 1899.

SIR LAMBERT PLAYFAIR AND PERIM.

The death of Sir Lambert Playfair has recalled that pretty story of the occupation of Perim which every traveller Eastward hears as he passes out of the Red Sea. It is told in books also, and not a few newspapers have repeated it within the last few days. But in case any mortal should not be acquainted with it, we may summarize the leading points. A French man-of-war puts into Aden with a battalion of infantry on board. The General commanding there thinks it very strange-invites the Admiral to dinner, makes much of him, plies him with wine, and thus, in a moment of confidence, extracts the information that these soldiers are going to occupy Perim next day. No Briton had thought of annexing the island hitherto. Forthwith the General pens a note, at table, sends it by an

orderly, and before daylight the Union Jack is flying on the highest point of Perim. It is commonly added that the Frenchman raved, challenged the General, and so forth. Now, there is not one little word of truth in this story, which, as we said, has been repeated afresh within the last few days by a multitude of newspapers. Those who would learn the real facts may turn to the Asiatic Quarterly Review, vol. ii., No. 3. There Sir Lambert Playfair tells his own tale, for he was the young Lieutenant who actually hoisted the Union Jack in 1856. There was no French Admiral, no troops, nor even a man-of-war. It is not known that the French Government ever contemplated taking possession of the island, though an adventurer named Lambert had been urging that measure for a long while, and it had been discussed in the Paris press. The British and Indian Governments were so well acquainted with the value of Perim that they had already taken possession of it in 1799. And General Coghlan gave his orders to Lieutenant Playfair to act under direct orders from London. "So history is written" sometimes.-London Evening Standard, February 27.

(The history of Perim and the possession of it by England is simply and admirably told by the then Lieutenant Playfair, as referred to by our esteemed contemporary in our issue of July, 1886, pp. 144-155.-ED.)

REVIEWS AND NOTICES.

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

1. The Colonization of Africa, by SIR HARRY H. JOHNSTON, K.C.B. (Cambridge Historical Series, edited by G. W. Prothero). The history of Africa, as history in anything but the merest anthropological sense, is the history of its colonizers. The Phoenicians, Romans, Arabs, Portuguese, and their modern successors, have made Africa what it is. Sir Harry Johnston shows clearly enough in his excellent little work that almost all that exists in the way of African civilization, agriculture, and the simpler arts, even in parts never yet visited by Europeans, have really spread into the interior from Arab or European sources. Almost all the cultivated plants and fruits of Africa were introduced by the Portuguese. It is very gratifying to find so stanch an Englishman as the author recognising fully not only the past, but also the present achievements of that adventurous little people. He shows that both in Angola and in South East Africa the Portuguese have done a great deal for the development of the regions that they have successfully claimed for themselves, though we can quite well see that he would have preferred many of them to have been English. He is fair to our other rivals, too-as, for instance, the Germans—and declares that "the politician would be very short sighted who under-rated the greatness of the German character, or reckoned on the evanescence of German dominion in strange lands." It is a great thing that in the midst of the fierce struggle for the partition of Africa, one who has played so leading a part in it should yet be able to speak dispassionately of those with whom his country has been brought in such close competition.

2. Ein Ausflug nach Bampara, -by S. E. PEAL, translated into German, and with an introduction by Kurt Klemm. Mr. Klemm deserves the gratitude of German scholars for having brought out a translation of Mr. Peal's paper on the naked Naga tribes of Sibsagar, Assam, and Bampara, contained in vol. xli., Part I., of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, an account which, though dating back to the year 1872, is still of considerable importance for the study of the language and customs of this primitive and interesting people. Valuable to the student is also the very full and up-to-date bibliography of the subject which the editor has considerately appended to his translation.

CAPELL AND Co.; LONDON, PARIS, NEW YORK, AND MELBOURNE. 3. The New Far East, by ARTHUR DIÓSY, Vice-Chairman of Council of the Japan Society, London. With twelve illustrations from special designs by KUBOTA BEISEN, of Tokio, a reproduction of a cartoon designed by H.M. THE GERMAN EMPEROR, and a specially-drawn map. This is a brilliantly-written history of New Japan, containing much instructive information on the affairs of the Far East. The author is not, as might be supposed, a Japanese, but the son of a famous Hungarian patriot

born in England. He writes with all the dash, humour, activity, and patriotism of his countrymen. He enters into details of the recent achievements of the Japanese Government, its army and navy, and while in his criticism he is impartial, he clearly indicates his high appreciation of the Japanese and the prospective position of Japan as one of the great civilizing powers in the Far East. To arrive at a correct impression of Japanese social society Mr. Diósy's book ought to be read, and its perusal will afford much pleasure and profit. The series of illustrations are by a Japanese artist whose fame is now world-wide. The concluding chapter refers to the course which Britain ought to follow in relation to Japan. He says:

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"Let Britain be strong with the calm force of the strong man armed, determined to keep what he has worked for and won. Japan will, with one accord, become the valuable and trusty ally of her natural friend, Britain, strong enough to command confidence and respect." The result will be "peace, prosperity, and the dawn of a brilliant era to the new Far East." G.

4. O'er Tartar Deserts, by DAVID KER. The story has no great merits, but plenty of boys will appreciate it. It ranges over a sufficiently wide territory, i.e., from Montenegro to the frontiers of China, and there is abundance of bloodshed and horror. The colours are laid on most thick in the description of Krovolil, the ferocious brigand with the angel face. A boys' book is not intended to convey instruction either in politics or in the Russian language; still, it is unwise to lay the seeds of political and philological error by giving Russian characters such transparently English names as Count Born-Liaroff, the famous diplomatist, and Choptheredzoff, the realistic painter.

CHATTO AND WINDUS; LONDON.

L.

5. The British Empire, by SIR CHARLES DILKE. Price 3s. 6d. Sir Charles Dilke's writings on Imperial subjects are too well known to require any special introduction. The present little volume is made up of a series of reprints of newspaper articles, published in the course of the year 1898, each dealing with some particular portion of the Empire. The total impression is somewhat sketchy and unfinished; it seems almost a pity that the author could not have spared the time to work up the articles into a larger work. Still, such as it is, the book is interesting and suggestive. The best sections of the work are those on India, Newfoundland and New Zealand. India is much too vast a subject to deal with fully in a few pages, so the author, supposing us to know most of the merits of our Government there, deals shortly and effectively with its main defects. As he truly points out, the financial poverty of India makes the complete carrying out of the scheme of government by trained and highly-paid officials impossible, with the result that our rule comes home to the ordinary Indian villager in the shape of the "native policeman," by no means the most perfect product of British statecraft. Sir Charles Dilke advocates a policy of less interference in local matters, and restriction of the functions of the Imperial officials to