rulers, and commanded Erdeni to restore Ush to Atsi. A second letter in 1764 warns Erdeni that a man named Abdul Azim (proved to have been conspiring with Khokand in the Khodja-djan interest with a view to seizing Kashgar) has been taken and executed, and that Erdeni will in future be wise if he reports the brewing of such treasons himself : he is again reminded that he must restore Ush to the bii. Later on a Chinese envoy to Khokand exercises his persuasive powers with a view to inducing Erdeni to proceed in person to Peking: Erdeni, however, though fairly respectful, only promises to send a man. In 1765 a revolt against China broke out at Ush, and Khokand was ordered to stop any refugees from justice. In 1767 the Emperor writes to the Kazak ruler Aburai or Ablai, and declines to give him military aid against Erdeni. It appears that Erdeni had killed Iskander Khan, brother of Aburai; that Aburai had defeated Erdeni; and that Erdeni had taken refuge in a city called (in its Chinese form) Bishketperhaps Pishkent.

In 1770 an envoy from Narbadu announces that he has succeeded his grandfather Erdeni. Schuyler says the new ruler, whose name he writes Narbuta, was Erdeni's nephew, and he quotes translated native authority to show that Erdeni was succeeded by Suleiman bii, and then (for three months only) by Shahrukh Beg. The Chinese say nothing about Erdeni during 1768 and 1769, and they are hardly ever mistaken on points of descent. Possibly the double meaning of the word nepos may have led to a mistake. The explanation probably is that Suleiman was Narbadu's father, and Shahrukh a usurper; and that the Chinese heard nothing of Khokand civil strife until it was all over. Narbadu's envoy was handsomely treated at Peking, and was told to exhort his master to go on obeying the Manchu Residents at Kashgar and Yarkand if he wished to live happily ever afterwards.

In 1777 the Emperor declined to accept from the Kazaks the insidious offer of Tashkend, quite seeing through their

motive, which was simply to enlist China's aid against Khokand; but he added, "Go and take Tashkend yourself if you can; but I can't take sides: Khokand, Andidjan, and the Buruts (ie., Kara-Kirghiz) are as much my people as you Kazaks (i.e., pure Kirghiz) are :" this refusal was subsequently repeated shortly before Aburai's death in 1780. In 1785 Khokand in its turn tried a "dodge" on the Emperor by representing that Khudayar Beg of Khodjend was about to join in an attack upon Kashgar. The Emperor said: "The lands of Narbadu and Uratepe must both be passed before Khudayar can get at Kashgar; evidently he and Narbadu are trying to get me to aid them." The sagacity of this view is confirmed by Schuyler's account, according to which Narbadu conquered Andidjan, Namangan, and Ush, besides contesting Khodjend with Khudayar, Beg of Uratepe. In 1788 the Emperor wrote to Narbadu com. plaining that some Kara-Kirghiz from Khokand dominions had been raiding Karateghin; insisting on restitution; and inviting him to try and seize the person of Samsak (son of Burhan Uddin), who had become Beg of Khodjend. In 1791 and 1793 further attempts were made to browbeat Narbadu into surrendering Samsak, and in 1795 orders were given that Andidjan settlers in China should no longer be allowed to marry local Mussulman women. In 1797 Narbadu does China a real service by thwarting an attempt on Kashgar, contemplated by Samsak; but as a good Mussulman he will not be induced to surrender him on the other hand, in 1798, Samsak, alarmed, makes friendly advances independently to the Emperor, who secretly endeavours to secure the persons of both him and his son. But Samsak is too sharp for that, and will not budge from Uratepe. (I am not sure of the word here written Olo-toi-pa; in 1785 the form is Yele-tiepai.) This same year Khudayar is reported to be quarrelling with his brother, and that Narbadu is seizing the opportunity to encroach. Nothing more is said of Narbadu at all after this; so that we may assume that Schuyler's statement of his defeat and

decapitation in 1799 by Yunuz Khodja of Tashkend explains the reason why.

China was now for many years in the throes of rebellion, and not a word is said of Khokand during the reign of Narbadu's son Alim, who, according to Schuyler, took Tashkend in 1803, and was murdered in his brother Omar's interest in 1812. Schuyler quotes native authority to the effect that Alim was the first to use the title of Khan it is a fact that the Chinese up to this time only use the word Beg," but they continue its use to the last. Only the Kazak ruler is styled a Khan by them.

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In 1813 a Khokand envoy applied at Yarkand for permission to establish officers in Chinese towns to superintend the Andidjan trade, which request was refused. The Emperor says: "Right! Tell Aimar (i.e., Omar) that we don't send such officers to his dominions, and that if he does not look out we will close down his trade altogether!"

Samsak's death is incidentally mentioned in 1811, and in 1820 his son Jehanghir is reported to have unsuccessfully sounded Omar with a view to seizing Kashgar. Orders were sent to Omar to try and catch him. After several abortive attempts, Jehanghir went to Karateghin. The Emperor thought it better not to question Khokand, though it was pretty plain Khokand was playing double. It would suffice to watch the Andidjan traders closely, and enforce strict passport rules. Nothing is said of Omar's death: according to Schuyler he was said to have been poisoned in 1822 by his son Madali, who joined Jehanghir Khodja in his attempt to recover the ancestral throne of Kashgar, and is said to have connived at his surrender. The Emperor frankly admits that Chinese misrule and corrup tion are partly to blame for the rebellion: the immediate cause was the rape of an Andidjan woman by a Manchu officer. Madali is first mentioned in 1826, under his full name Mohammed Ali, when he is said to have "peached" on Jehanghir offers of gold were made to him by Yunuz, Beg (under the Chinese) of Kashgar, and the services of the

Kara-Kalpaks (an Usbek clan) were enlisted by China. For a long time Jehanghir succeeded in giving his pursuers the slip; but at last the simultaneous co-operation of Badakshan, Wakhan, Shignan, Darwaz, the Kazaks, and the Khandjuts was secured; the "screw" was put on Khokand by stopping her trade; and at last the wretched man, hemmed in on all sides, was hunted down in the Karateke Mountains, taken to Peking, drawn, and quartered. In connection with this coalition it is mentioned that Darwaz hoped to secure as a reward the throne of Khokand, and that Khokand unsuccessfully tried to induce the Kazaks to assist in the building of Biskeh city: this is probably once more Pishkent, the birthplace of Yakub Beg in 1825; but I can only make a guess. Jehanghir was not surrendered by anyone, but bodily captured by some Sibo Mongols belonging to the Chinese army, as he was scampering over the hills in flight. Khokand's congratulations to the Emperor on the event were coldly received, and, in fact, even after the capture, her trade was stopped because she would not surrender certain other refugees; besides which additional restrictions were placed upon Andidjan settlers and traders: the latter conducted all the tea, rhubarb, and other trade between China and the west, which was now confined to one big bazaar at Mingyul, north of Kashgar. Attempts were made at the same time to profit by Bukhara's hostility to Khokand. Angry communications took place between the Manchu Residents and the mingbashi of Khokand Mohammed "Silipu," whose envoy was sent back re infectâ. The Ertegana tribe of Kara-Kirghiz offered to desert the Khokand interest, and migrate to Terek Davan on the Kashgar road as this place was outside the Chinese posts, the Emperor said he did not object, so long as they took the responsibility of their act upon themselves: he declined on the other hand to ask any favours from Khokand: he felt he now had the whip-hand, and his terms were simply "no surrenders, no tea." Meanwhile in 1830 there began to be rumours that Khokand was preparing for war, and a

bold scheme was considered of marching round from Ili by Tashkend and Talas (Auliata) towards the River Chui in Kara-Kirghiz country, taking Khokand in the rear. It was discovered in 1830 that Jehanghir's elder brother Yusuf Khodja, together with the latter's son, were writing treasonable letters to Chinese Mussulmans from their safe retreat in Bukhara before long Yusuf, with the assistance of the Khokand officers Isa, Musa, and the Hush Beg, succeeded in pillaging the Mussulman quarter of Kashgar. Schuyler places this event a year or so too early. During 1831 three Khokandian envoys arrived at the Chinese headquarters to protest against the stoppage of trade: they were informed that no trade would be allowed until those traitors who remained in their hands were surrendered: one of them was detained as a hostage, whilst the other two took this message back to Khokand. For some reason the Emperor now completely collapsed: he sent down instructions that Khokand was to have trade free of duty; that the goods previously confiscated from the Andidjan merchants should be returned to them; and that Khokand need not surrender any refugees. How this was all brought about does not directly appear; but it is plain from the Emperor's edicts that he now clearly saw the political mistake of stopping the ancient trade, and moreover had abundant proof of corruption and tyranny on the part of his own officers. Schuyler says the agreement was concluded by the Khokand envoy Alim Patcha at Peking, by which Khokand was to restrain the Khodja pretenders, and in return to receive duties on foreign goods imported at Aksu, Ush-Turfan, Kashgar, Yangi-Hissar, Khotan, and Yarkand; and might keep consuls (aksakals) there. Lord Dunmore repeats this statement almost word for word in his book. The Chinese official papers are extremely full, and there is from first to last no concealment in them: there is no mention at this date either of Alim Patcha, or of an envoy to Peking. On the contrary, a confidential Manchu officer named Ch'angling was sent as special commissioner with full powers to clean