contempt for his person and policy, and publicly assumed as their device, Vive le Roi quand même'God save the king, nevertheless.' This expression, which wears an ambiguous form, was customary among the royalists in la Vendée, when the cause of the Bourbons was at the lowest ebb; and then meant that those who used it were true to the royal family, notwithstanding their disastrous fortune. It was now understood to mean, that they would be true to the king, although he had ceased to be true to himself. In parliament the opinions of the contending parties are expressed with a vivacity very characteristic of the national character, and with a variety of shades and subdivisions, resulting, in part, from the same cause. The house of deputies is regularly separated into three sections, the right and left sides, and the centre. The two former support, respectively, the constitutional and anti-constitutional opinions; and the last is composed of the adherents of the ministry, as such, and consists, in a great measure, of public functionaries. This arrangement of the house results from the neutralizing system which has prevailed in the cabinet; and the ministerial majority is obtained by the concurrence of the one or the other opposition with their immediate partisans. The union of the two hostile parties against a measure would, at any time, defeat it. This result has often happened; and it also happens, very frequently, that the ministry carry a measure in opposition to the party which they generally favour, by the assistance of the other. The two parties, though bitterly opposed in points of faith, often agree in their opinions in matters of discipline, in consequence of their common interest as parties in opposition. They both unite in claiming the liberty of the press; and even in the present session when the ministry have exhibited so strong a leaning to the emigrants, the committee, appointed by the usual ministerial majority composed of this party and the centre, to make a report upon a law proposed by the government for the continuance of the restraints on the journals, have concluded against it. Each party is so perfectly confident of the justice of its cause and the ability of its champions, that both are quite certain of ultimate success, if they are permitted to carry on the war with freedom. They spurn at the idea that public discussions are attended with any danger to the state, and pretend that it is only the conscious imbecility of the ministry which makes them fear to encounter the shock of unrestrained criticism. Whatever danger may exist, they are willing to risk, and with the generous indignation felt by Ajax in the Iliad at the idea of fighting under a cloud, they are even ready to perish, if, in dying, they can leave a sting in the wound they inflict upon their adversary. Ζοῦ πάτερ, ἀλλὰ σὲ ῥῦσαι ὑπ ̓ μέρος υίας Αχαιών Ἐν δὲ φάει καὶ ὅλεστον, ἐπεί νύ τοι εὔαδεν οὕτως. Besides these three principal divisions of the house, there existed, during the period. of the administration of Mr de Cases and the prevalence of a more liberal policy in the cabinet, a subdivision of the left side, commonly called, by their adversaries, the doctrinaires or pedants, which, at that time, gave the tone to the majority, but which, by the change of circumstances and parties, has since ceased to exist. The individuals composing it were decidedly liberal, and of course removed even then by a considerable shade of difference from the merely ministerial party, and for the same reason obnoxious to the emigrants; but being not less remarkable for learning and moderation than for liberal principles, they were often at variance with the most determined and violent members of their own side. Their opponents sometimes found it convenient not to understand what they could not very readily confute, and affected to describe them as obscure and metaphysical reason ers; and in reality some of them occasionally entered more at large into abstract discussions, than is quite suitable to the practical despatch of business; although the ability with which they managed such inquiries always did them great honour. Of the small number of persons composing this coterie, Mr de Serre, one of the ministry, has since enlisted under the royalist banner; MM. Camille Jordan and Royer Collard, then members of the council of state, were subsequently removed from this post, and the former is since dead. The latter is still the principal representative in the house of the same opinions, but from the change of circumstances has but little influence. His speeches on important subjects are perhaps the most remarkable specimens of scientific political reasoning, that have ever appeared in any country in this form. This style of speaking is rarely attempted, either in the British parliament or in congress. The speeches of Burke and of Sir James Mackintosh give a better idea of it, than any others in the English language. They are, however, less abstract; and, considered as specimens of eloquence, are for that reason doubtless superior. Mr Guizot, whom I have already mentioned, is the most remarkable writer attached to this party. He was also a member of the council of state, and was On removed at the same time with the others. account of his youth, he was not eligible to the house of deputies. With these remarks on the situation of public opinion and the modes and varieties of its expression, I shall close this imperfect sketch of the state of France. The substance of it may be recapitulated in a very few words. The political constitution of France is sound and vigorous in its essential parts, beyond that of any other nation in Europe. The outward appearance exhibits morbid symptoms at first view of a serious and alarming character; but which, examined more nearly, can hardly be regarded as dangerous, and must soon vanish under the restoring influence of an active vital principle within. If we cross the Pyrenees, we arrive in a region placed for the present in a far less agreeable situation, but which holds out, nevertheless, the most encouraging prospects for the future. |