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the Indians at large were excited and resorted to violence against the posses sent to put them down.

THE TERRE HAUTE BRIBERY CASES

The Terre Haute election bribery trials that have been going on at Indianapolis are of more than local importance, not merely because of the extent of the frauds alleged, but because they show that, however dormant public sentiment may be about political trickery, it is almost certain that sooner or later there will be an end to indifference, and that drastic action will ensue. As with the similar wholesale bribery charges in Akron, Ohio, a few years ago, so in Terre Haute; once prosecution was begun, pleas of guilty and offers of evidence abounded. Of 126 men indicted, 88 pleaded guilty and are now awaiting sentence. On trial are the Mayor of Terre Haute and twenty-seven others. All, or nearly all, are Democrats, and they are charged in a Federal court with having conspired to bring about fraudulently the election of a United States Senator and a Congressman. It is significant to note that among the indicted men were twenty-six city employees, fourteen saloon-keepers, and twenty-one bartenders. Mayor Roberts has once before been tried for political corruption, but was acquitted.

Without expressing in advance of the verdict any opinion. as to the strength of the Government's case or the probable result of the trial, we may summarize the peculiar personal political history which a very wellinformed and trustworthy Indiana correspondent of The Outlook tells us led to the prosecution :

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"When ambitious politicians quarrel, an outraged public may be the beneficiary," is the moral our correspondent draws. Mayor Roberts and Joseph R. Roach have long been active and ambitious leaders in the same party. Roberts is a polished, educated man. Roach as a young man was a desperado, a clever card shark, and a capable gunman;" was sentenced to prison for killing a man, but was pardoned, because of his genuine desire to reform, by Governor Thomas R. Marshall, now Vice-President. After his release Roach became a lawyer and a politician. He aspired to the Legislature, largely in order to help change the prison laws. Politically, he was first an ally, then a rival, of Roberts. Out of this rivalry sprang a

fierce contest. Roberts exhibited a prison picture of Roach; Roach swore that he would put Roberts in jail. After the municipal election of 1913 charges of bribery were made against Roberts and his aids; one man was convicted in a State court, Roberts escaped. Taught by this, Roach, after the 1914 election, took his evidence to the Federal Court, and "there was a scramble among the politicians to give evidence before the Grand Jury." Roach politically "unhorsed" Roberts, who five years ago had himself deposed John E. Lamb, his predecessor in political leadership.

The result of Roach's fight against Roberts was that shortly after the last election public sentiment in Vigo County and Terre Haute rapidly became crystallized, and the Government received material assistance and encouragement from the good citizens of the county who had all but given up in despair. Thus when political rivals fall out good citizens may benefit; but it is only a sluggishly good citizen who waits for that opportunity.

WEAKENING A WORKMEN'S
COMPENSATION LAW

One of the good things which the New York Legislature accomplished a little more than a year ago was the enactment of an effective law providing for the compensation of workmen injured in hazardous occupations. By this law the cost of the injury to men is put on the same basis as the cost of injury to machinery. Without such a law there was more reason for the employer to look out for his machinery than to look out for his men. Now, under this Compensation Law, cost in life and labor, like cost in the breakage of machinery, is made a burden upon the industry and not upon the victim or the victim's family. One of the virtues of that law was the fact that there was no choice about it. The workman or the workman's family could not compromise with the employer.

This efficacious and humane and sensible law was first passed by a Democratic Legislature. The administration of the State's affairs by the Democratic party had disgusted the voters, and the Democratic party was turned out of control and the Republicans put in. Now the Republicans are taking advantage of their power to weaken one of the very good things that the Democrats did by passing a bill to allow private settlement between employers and the victims of accident. It seems as if the Republicans believed that the

reaction against the Democrats had become so pronounced that the voters would stand for anything.

Unfortunately, the bill weakening the new Compensation Act was passed under an emergency message from Governor Whitman. At the same time there have been in the Legislature intimations of sinister influences which have been pushing the amending bill. Though one statement made to this effect during the discussion of the bill has been qualified since its passage, the fact remains that there was no public demand for it. Of course, by the weakening of this law certain casualty companies would profit; and certainly, also, those lawyers called "ambulance chasers," who follow up every such accident and try to get business out of the disasters to the poor, would find a renewal of life. There are a good many unscrupulous employers, too, who would rather take their chances of losing occasionally big sums in suits at law for the sake of what they consider the better chances of escaping the payment of legitimate compensation in most cases.

Against the influences of such elements the Republican machine in New York State has evidently not been arrayed. What are the voters of New York going to do about it? They have certainly taken no special pride in Democratic rule under Dix, Sulzer, and Glynn, and they are finding no great cause for pride in what the Republicans are doing so far under Whitman. They have refused to intrust any power to a third party of protest against both these machines. The American habit of keeping a party straight by the occasional discipline of defeat is not proving very useful just now.

MAKING "MOVIES" TO
TEACH FARMERS

Uncle Sam is not in the moving-picture business, but his Department of Agriculture at Washington maintains one of the most up-to-date scientific motion-picture laboratories in the country. This laboratory was established about two years ago. Its main object is to enable the Department to produce economically and under its own direction educational films of a high degree of excellence. The Department can produce its own scientific films cheaper than it can purchase them from the commercial agencies. One of the greatest advantages is the fact that the Department has absolute control over its scenarios and can exert censorship

over everything that goes out bearing its official sanction. Pictures in our Current Events Pictorially Treated pages show specimen bits of films and the process of manufacture.

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Those in charge of the laboratory have determined not merely to make it a factory of films, but to develop the laboratory on experimental lines so that it will make contributions to motion-picture art, especially as applied to educational work. The photographers have already made fairly important discoveries in the problem of artificial lighting and in the adaptation of special lenses to filming scientific subjects. A commendable spirit has also been shown in the refusal to resort to trick photography in showing subjects where the making of honest negatives calls for great patience. It has been decided that when such a subject as the growth of a flower or the germination of a seed is to be shown, the film shall be an honest scientific record.

The reason for the establishment of this new work is its value in conjunction with lectures given by the Department heads at conventions and in connection with special propaganda carried on by the field force. In this connection the Department is now trying to find some way of projecting, or showing, the pictures in small towns and villages where no electric current is available. The question is now being investigated as to whether it will be possible to equip an ordinary automobile with an electric generator which will supply the small amperage needed.

Films made by the laboratory have been shown at country school-houses and churches, as well as in small towns and villages both in the South and the Northwest. It is reported by those in charge of the lectures that the announcement that motion pictures would be shown attracted large audiences, in spite of bad road or weather conditions.

A general impression has gone abroad that the Department of Agriculture intended to "invade" the motion-picture business and furnish to churches, schools, and colleges educational films as requested. This is quite erroneous, and, in fact, to do so would be impracticable.

It is interesting to note that prior to the establishment of the laboratory various bureaus of the Department had had films made to use in connection with special field work. For instance, the Bureau of Animal Industry had a film on tick eradication which encouraged the Southern counties to construct dip

ping vats for the herds. This same Bureau has also made use of films showing various phases of meat-handling, cattle-breeding, and poultry-raising. The Good Roads division has made very effective use of films at meetings of highway commissioners, showing details of road construction. The Forest Service has been another of the bureaus taking up this work. Some ten thousand feet of film were taken last summer throughout the West, showing forest fires, rangers' life, the use which can be made of the National forests for recreation purposes, and various other forest activities.

THE SALOON AND ITS SUBSTITUTE

The growth of the prohibition movement in this country during the past few years has been of more than ordinary significance. How rapid the growth in prohibition territory has been may be realized from a brief summary of the present situation. Prior to September 1, 1914, Maine, Kansas, Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Tennessee, and West Virginia represented the only States in which Statewide prohibition existed. On September 22 Virginia voted for constitutional State-wide prohibition to become effective on November 1, 1916. On November 3 Colorado, Arizona, and Washington likewise adopted constitutional prohibition. The Arizona law became effective on January 1, 1915. Then followed Alabama with a statute that will make the State "dry" on next July 1. Arkansas joined the procession on February 5. This State likewise goes "dry" in July, 1915. The Iowa Legislature in this same February voted to submit to the people a State-wide prohibition amendment to the Constitution to be voted on at the general election in 1917, provided the vote was ratified by the Legislature sitting in 1917. Under this programme prohibition would have become effective on January 1, 1918. The Legislature, however, reconsidered its action, a fact in which the " wets did not find much comfort, for Iowa is now destined to become "dry" by legislative enactment on January 1, 1916. Idaho also goes "dry' on this date by statute law. It is expected that in 1916 this law will be made part of the Constitution by means of a popular referendum. Montana has voted for a referendum on a statute which, if adopted, will make that State " dry" in 1918.

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lar legislation has been passed by the Legislature of South Carolina, which, if adopted, will make that State "6 dry " in December, 1915. Measures of similar nature have recently passed the Legislature of Utah, the lower house of Vermont, and the Legislature of South Dakota. Minnesota has passed a County Option Law effective immediately.

This rapid progress made by the anti-saloon forces lends interest to a new movement organized under the direction of Mr. Charles Stelzle, formerly head of the Social Service Department of the Presbyterian Board of Home Missions. Mr. Stelzle is preparing for the time when the saloon shall have been abolished throughout the country by the organization of a constructive programme, National in character, looking towards the finding of a substitute for the saloon as a social center and an employer of labor. Mr. Stelzle's programme includes the organization of democratically administered social centers in which the people will help govern the affairs of the organization, and in the establishment of temporary labor exchanges to find work for those men who lose their jobs through prohibition legislation. In the prospectus of this new movement the statement is made that, "if the fight on the saloon is to be permanently successful, there must be a constructive programme which will help the workingman's social need. If saloons are closed, something else must be opened." Mr. Stelzle has established his headquarters in the Fifth Avenue Building, New York City. Certainly the movement for which he is standing should be commended for its spirit. It can be made practical, we believe, in form.

In a whirlwind of meetings like those closing a feverish political campaign Billy Sunday has left Philadelphia. For eleven weeks he conducted a religious revival that is unprecedented even in his own record-breaking career. It is reported that as a result of his preaching over forty-one thousand have by signing cards acknowledged themselves converts. As Mrs. Sunday has put it, "A small army of men and women in your good city have volunteered for God's service." At the close of his campaign he received informally through a spokesman the thanks of the four hundred churches which had invited him to Philadelphia.

The effect of this extraordinary man's

preaching on that city cannot be represented by figures. The Mayor's Secretary, for example, said that Billy Sunday had made his mark on the city in the matter of family relations, in business attitudes, and in the temperance question. These are things that cannot be numbered and counted, but they are more real and significant for that reason. Opinions differ greatly with reference to the effect that this man has had upon the communities in which he has held his great meetings; but one fact seems somewhat significant-and that is, that those who read about him are less likely to be favorably impressed than those who see and hear him. Elsewhere in this issue the Spectator describes one of Billy Sunday's meetings.

With but a week's rest, Billy Sunday begins another campaign-this time in Paterson, New Jersey.

FLOWERS IN NEW YORK CITY

Sodom and Gomorrah perished for the lack of a handful of righteous souls. Billy Sunday, from some of his utterances, may be suspected of harboring the belief that New York City is destined for the same unpleasant end. Before final judgment is passed, however, on the metropolis, there is a question which may properly be asked in open court.

Can any city be wholly bad that devotes so much of its time and energy to the sale and enjoyment of flowers?

The little florist's shop tucked away between the delicatessen store and the grocery or finding refuge in the show window of some temporarily vacated shop, the street vender of arbutus and violets, of roses carefully held head downward to avoid a discouraging droop in their stems, the elaborate palaces for flowers that make their homes among the residences of the well-to-do-all these are signs that are very characteristic of New York life. Ostentation may at times rub elbows with the frail orchids that look out upon Fifth Avenue, but no city without an instinct for flowers could support such a myriad of little shops filled with pinks, roses, violets, and at this time of year the lilies and bulbs that mark the last departure of the winter season.

The occasion for this comment upon the flower shops of New York is to be found in the International Flower Show recently held in the halls of the Grand Central Palace

under the auspices of the Horticultural Society of New York and the New York Florists' Club. Here more than twenty thousand plants and two hundred thousand vases of cut flowers drew the attention of many thousand visitors. A picture of one of the rare water-lilies exhibited is shown in the illustrated section of this week's Outlook.

Not only did individuals and florists take part in the display, but New York City itself had a share in the Flower Show. The Park Department sent to the Grand Central Palace some remarkable ferns, including a growth from the Fiji Islands, large and shapely palms, a number of Japanese cherry trees in bloom, and a notable collection of azaleas. Father Knickerbocker not only likes flowers, but he grows them himself as well.

A COLLEGE GIRL'S MEMORIAL

A girl who dies four years after graduation from college does not have time, as a rule, to leave a very deep impression of her personality. But Carola Woerishoffer, a graduate of Bryn Mawr, who died in 1911 at the age of twenty-seven, was an exception to this rule.

During the four years between her graduation and her death she devoted herself with a rare quality of fresh intelligence to a study of the betterment of conditions of the industrial work of women and children. She had large wealth, and she used her whole time and her resources in this service. It was while she was investigating the conditions of alien camps in New York State that she met with the automobile accident which interrupted her career by death; it may truthfully be said that her larger work is just beginning.

She bequeathed more than three-quarters of a million dollars to Bryn Mawr. Her life and her interests dictated the form in which this large sum of money should be spent ; and the authorities of Bryn Mawr have decided to open a Graduate Department of Social Economy and Social Research, to be called by her name, which will give advanced scientific training to women in the field of philanthropic and social work, and will serve as a memorial of her generous spirit and large public service. There are also to be two Carola Woerishoffer scholarships in social service.

Miss Susan M. Kingsbury, Professor of Economics at Simmons College and director

of the Department of Social Research of the Woman's Educational and Industrial Union in Boston, is to be the first professor on the new foundation.

The memorial tablet erected to the memory of Miss Woerishoffer in the Bryn Mawr College Library cloister bears these words:

"A loyal comrade, a devoted alumna, a patriotic, single-minded public servant."

CHANGES IN FRANCE

One of the cheering events of the past few years has been the emergence of France from a long period of materialism. This change has been noticeable in a number of departments of life and learning. In philosophy, for instance, American attention has been specially called to it by the great popular interest in the lectures and writings of such philosophers as Émile Boutroux and Henri Bergson-lectures and writings which have been read or heard in this country with wide acceptance and even enthusiasm. In literature the change is no less marked-by the substitution of the works of such romancers as Édouard Rod, René Bazin, and Henry Bordeaux for the works of Zola. In the theater, too, there has been a distinct upward trend, as was recently emphasized by the lectures of the dramatist Eugène Brieux in this country.

In religion, whether Catholic or Protestant or Jewish, a change is observable. In 1905 the churches of France were disestablished; state support was withdrawn. But what has been the result? The Roman Catholic Church as a moral and religious force in France is stronger than it has ever been before. Concerning it an article in the Roman Catholic weekly paper "America " says:

Bishops and priests alike accepted the new conditions, and, from that to this, their exterior influence is steadily on the increase. They are no longer the paid servants of the state, and this makes them more popular with the people, for it emphasizes their disinterestedness and selfsacrifice.

THE HUGUENOTS

The same may be said of the Protestant Church in France, particularly, of the Huguenot churches. Of the thirteen hundred places of Protestant worship in France, most are Huguenot, and of these most belong to the Reformed Evangelical Church. No one of these churches, or mission halls, or mission

ary stations abroad was closed as a result of disestablishment.

The richer churches are those in the northeast of France-the great industrial and money-making part of France-in which thrive such national industries as iron, woolen, and wine. This is the region invaded by Germany. Sixty churches there contribute to the support of three hundred and ninety smaller churches in other regions of France, such as the valleys of the Drôme and the Ardèche, and the mountains of the Cevennes -regions of great historical interest to all Huguenots, but of scanty economic resources.

The proportionately wealthy churches are the ones which have most suffered. Take, for instance, the church in Rheims. Before the war it had some two thousand members, many of them wealthy. But only three hundred members are left; others have fled before invasion and bombardment. The central district of Rheims-that of the wholesale woolen trade has been burned to the ground and all the stocks destroyed. The Protestant church, its manse, and the Young Men's Christian Association building are all a heap of ruins.

After cutting down all expenses, reducing considerably salaries paid to the pastorswhich were at best but a bare living allowance -and practically closing the preparatory and theological schools, the French Huguenots cannot make both ends meet. Donations are earnestly requested. Checks should be made payable to the Rev. Stuart L. Roussel, Trustee, 105 East Twenty-second Street, New York City.

The historic friendship which binds France to the United States politically and American Protestants to French Huguenots religiously should now assert itself in American help to sorely smitten Huguenots in France.

ANOTHER FATHER DAMIEN

The heroes of the Boer War were not all of them men who fought in the field. There were others. In especial there was an Australian, born in Melbourne in 1851, who had come to the Transvaal as Medical Officer. He had already checked an epidemic of typhoid fever which had been raging through the military hospitals and concentration camps when he became interested in a leper hospital at Pretoria. After the war he began a systematic study of leprosy. He gave up all his spare time to