of large and extensive fortunes. The power of choosing a man to represent a town or county in parliament is lodged in the hands of a few monopolizers of privileges, who, by the weight of their purses, and the power of their interest, can turn the rest as they have a mind. Britons, are you sensible what you are doing, when, for some small favour, or sordid gratification, you sell your votes to such as want to enslave your country. You are publishing to all the world that you are asses, ready and willing to take on any burden.

The meanness of the greatest number of freeholders in Britain is conspicuous in their stooping down to take on every burden that any overgrown duke or knight pleases to impose upon them. When once it is known what side of the question" his Grace" is on, the inferior freeholders ask no more, but generally say, Amen. They do not consider the qualifications and merit of the candidate, whether he is a wise man or a fool, an honest man or a knave, a friend to his country or a tool of the state; if he is such a great man's friend, that is sufficient. In this conduct of British freeholders we may also see the character of several of their members of parlia ment. When men, who have a right to elect one to represent them in the great council of the nation, have no concern for their own interest, but elect, by chance, any one that a superior recommends, they have no reason to think that the man whom they have chosen will pay any more regard to their interest than they have done themselves; they will be ready to vote in parliament with as much indifference about the interest of their constituents, as they did for them in the general election: as they have had occasion to learn from the conduct of the nation in general, how little they value their liberties and property, by intrusting them in the hands of men they neither did know, nor endeavoured to know, they find they can with more safety dispose of them to their own advan tage, at the call of a minister, for a good consideration.

Who is to blame for the heavy load of taxes that the nation groans under, but the very people who pay them? Had they been careful in choosing honest and fit men to manage their interests at court, who are possessed of love for their country, and the happiness of those they represented, they would have stood up for their interest, and declared against all imposition. It is men's own indolence and inattention that ruin them.

The remedy against these burdens is evident: men ought sincerely to look after their own interests. From a principle of dis interested love to the public, every man that enjoys possessions should take care of them, as a trust committed to him for which he is accountable; not as accountable only to himself, by considering what he possesses to be his own, which he may dispose of at his pleasure, but as intrusted by Providence with something that the public has a concern in. A kingdom under a government like our's is like an estate put into the hands of a number of stewards, who, though they have their reward for their service, yet

are

are obliged to act for the good of the whole. The right exercise of their liberty consists in supporting private right, for the sake of public happiness. When individuals cease to take care of their special departments, as supporters of public liberty, they will degenerate into indifference, or selfish principles.

As much depends upon wise legislation to make men free and happy-as laws, when formed, must affect every individual-it must be necessary, in the first degree, to have wise men appointed to act in the legislature. Burdens must be taken off in the same manner they were laid on; and as selfish and corrupt 'members of parliament were the instruments of imposing burdens upon the nation, wise, virtuous, and disinterested ones must be the instruments of removing them. Instead of fruitless complaints against the government, when it is not in your power to help the evil, let it be your study, Britons, now when it is in your power, to apply an effectual remedy. Choose none of those for your representatives at the general election who concurred in laying burdens upon you before. Suffer them to stand as beacons, for "posterity to take warning from. Shall the freeholders of Britain again choose such unworthy members of society to manage their public affairs, they may expect to have their burdens continued, and fixed more firmly upon their shoulders. You may always suspect every one that wants to corrupt you: the same person will also endeavour to load you with heavy burdens. The whole nation, by this time, may know who were the tools of the ministry in the last session of parliament. Set a mark upon them, that ages to come may hold their memories in abhorrence. Let it be known, that Britain knows how to reward the worthy, and despise the worthless. Would England desire to get free of some heavy and grievous burdens, which the poor, and even the middle ranks of mankind groan under, let them endeavour to make choice of men to represent them in parliament, who will be as zealous to get them freed from oppression as their former representatives were to impose burdens upon them. It will be more honourable to give your vote for a member of parliament, upon his promise to stand up for the repeal of oppressive acts of the legislature, than to take a petty bribe, or some naughty private consideration: it will be more honourable to engage your representative to convey the voice and sense of his constituents to the audience of the legislature, than to choose him for some private emolument, or sordid advantage to some individuals. May not Britain cry and utter her voice, and say she will not be any longer enslaved or oppressed? May not counties, towns, and corporations, give instructions to such as they make choice of for public servants? And may they not make it a condition of their election, that their members assert their privileges, and cry loud for a repeal of all oppressive laws? The cider counties have set you an example: they cried, and they were heard. The Americans gained the repeal of the stamp act by a vigorous resistance of oppression.

oppression. Have the rest of Britain no burdens they want to have removed? Are there none of the necessaries of life taxed, which much affect the poor mechanic, and the mercantile part of the nation? Now is the time to exert themselves. Take care, you who have it in your power to do justice to yourselves, and a real service to your country, whom you give your votes for. Shall any one solicit your votes, because he judges himself qualified with so many hundreds or thousands of yearly income, ask him if he has a good conscience, and is a lover of his country, Shall he tell you that he is approved of by so many of the principal freeholders in the county, or the members of a city, tell him you judge for yourselves, and do not walk by the light of other men. Was he a member before, consider what measures he fell in with; was he a patriot, or not? or was he the dupe of the ministry or a tool of the court? mark him down blank, and tell him to mind his business, for you cannot serve them. Such as have honestly served their country, encourage them; let your election be no expence to them. Even prevent such with your votes, and desire their further good offices. Shall Britain take care to have the great assembly of the nation filled with good, honest, and faithful patriots, then may she expect to get free of burdens and oppression. But shall every dull d-e, and heavy-headed k-t, whom Providence has cursed with a large 'estate, have it in their power to impose one of their friends and creatures upon you for a member of parliament, you may say farewell to liberty, and couch down under your burdens; like Issachar, you will stand recorded in the annals of future ages for

asses.

With regard to religious bondage and oppression, as it respects chiefly Dissenters from the establishment, it will not be so easy to get it removed. But certainly the laity of Britain have more good sense than not to see the absurdity of several ecclesiastic impositions upon that part of his Majesty's subjects. It is not likely that the established clergy will ever give their consent to any law that shall ever be made for the relief of Protestant Dissenters; they will, no doubt, consider that their relief will be their disadvantage. But the clergy are not the majority in parliament; nor does wisdom, charity, and humanity, dwell alone with them. Reason has of later times often triumphed over severe statute laws. May not Dissenters make a trial, and represent their case to the high court of the nation? The laity who sit in that assembly are friends to reason and common sense, and will, undoubtedly, listen to the grievances of faithful subjects. Is it not unreasonable that subjects, who are ready on all occasions to serve the government, should bear such a mark of slavery, as to be obliged to pay for their heads every year to a church they cannot, in conscience, join with? Is it reasonable to pay for the benefit of the atmosphere, to receive the smoke of their chimneys, to a church they cannot ask any privileges from,

from

from a principle of conscience? Are Dissenters free, when they are obliged to perform the office of churchwardens, in a church they cannot communicate with, without wounding their own con sciences, and betraying their sincerity? It could not be construed disloyalty, for the whole body of Protestant Dissenters to join in an address to the parliament, for the removal of the causes of their grievances; there is some reason to expect they would be heard; at least, it would shew they were not, like Issachar, asses couching down under a heavy burden voluntarily. It would shew to the world the nobleness of their spirit, in striving to get free of oppression. Occasional conformity for posts under the government is a burden very unreasonable; it ought not to be required, and should not be complied with. Cannot an oath of fidelity and allegiance to the sovereign give security to the state of a man's loyalty, without taking the sacra ment upon it? Can there be any reason for such an imposition in nature, or revealed religion? It would be better to tell Dis senters that they shall have no preferments under the govern ment at all, than clog them with such conditions. Such as com ply occasionally must be men of no principle; they must dissent from no principle of conscience, who have liberty to use such freedoms. It is not a light matter for men to have a call to serve their country and their sovereign, and be obliged to give up conscience, or refuse the call. This is at least leading men into temptation. May not Protestant Dissenters supplicate their superiors, and earnestly intreat them to consider their burdens ? They have undoubtedly some property in the nation, and bear their own share in the expence of government; it can be no presumption to ask what is reasonable. They should join mutually in petitioning his Majesty, and the high assembly of the nation, for a hearing of their grievances. I flatter myself their joint.cry for liberty would be heard. Whatever are our burdens, let us take honest and honourable steps to have them removed. Instead of clamours against the court, instead of mobs, riots, and commotions, let the oppressed ask orderly, and they shall receive. If they cannot obtain redress, they will have the satisfaction to reflect, that they have not taken on their own burdens. Providence will some time favour their attempts. But if, like Issachar, they peaceably couch down and take on their own burdens, they will find many ready to impose upon them.

SERMON

SERMON III

NUMBERS, Xxii. 21-30.

And Balaam rose up in the morning, and saddled his ass, and went with the princes of Moab.And the ass said unto Bulaam, Am not I thine ass, upon which thou hast ridden ever since I was thine?

THERE are several methods of preaching in practice among

the several professors who pretend to that gift; but the chief seem to be these two-to make some text of Scripture either the foundation or occasion of their discourse. It answers much the same purpose, whether a sermon be taken from the text, or suggested by means thereof. I imagine my readers will easily conceive which of these methods I have observed in this discourse. Balaam rose up in the morning, and saddled his ass. There must be some matter of importance in hand, when a man of Balaam's character is up so early. Some pious purpose, no doubt, is to be executed when a prophet rises so soon in the morning. You will be surprised to hear that the anger of the Lord was kindled against the prophet. There was a reason for it:-Balaam loved the wages of unrighteousness, and rose with a design to curse a blessed people to procure them.

Alas! the whole creation groaneth and is in bondage until now; the meanest animal is brought into slavery by the iniquities of man. Men of deep designs and profound politics will make use of any instrument to obtain their ends. When a man is riding to the devil, an ass will serve the purpose as well as a horse. Our covetous prophet had now a great object in his eye: the King of Moab had promised to exalt him to riches and honour, if he would curse the children of Israel; and it is no wonder that a man of Balaam's disposition was up early in the morning to look after them. It was to serve a king too. The leaders in all nations, in all ages, have been well disposed to serve the great. I have read of bishops who have been employed the same way. But how shall he curse whom God hath blessed? What did the king of Moab mean, by asking Balaam to curse Israel? Superstition has been very early in the world:such as had no just notions of the true God had yet some notions of a Supreme Power to bless and curse.

Balaam seems to have been one of the Eastern Magi, and one of those who pretended to be hand and glove with some powerful divinity, whose aid he could call in at his pleasure, to bless or curse whom he had a mind. It is very likely this was all a perversion and corruption of the religion of the true God, which was made use of to serve the pious purposes of false prophets,

and