ful authority. It is not the conduct of a public meeting which evinces its legality—it is its constitution. This is the true test of the legality or illegality of a public meeting; and to the neglect of this test by eminent crown lawyers, much of the disorder which has harassed England, as well as Ireland, may be truly ascribed. By what lawful authority were the mutually infuriated multitudes of Orangemen and Ribbonmen assembled in the neighbourhood of Dolly's Brae-and why did not the Irish Attorney-General discover that the intended meeting was illegal, before blood was spilt, and horrible outrages perpetrated by a frantic mob?

To avenge all the evils thus incurred, the Government has thought proper to dismiss Lord Roden and two Messrs Beers from the magistracy—and for what special guiltiness, as magistrates, we are utterly unable to comprehend. We have always thought the only justifiable ground for removing a magistrate from the roll, was the full proof, before a competent tribunal, that he had wilfully and corruptly swerved from his magisterial duty. Now, we cannot find that any such allegation was established in the Court of Queen's Bench against Lord Roden or his colleagues, and therefore we demur to the equity of Lord Clarendon's proceeding, even though sanctioned by his Chancellor's counsel. The Whig scribbler in the Edinburgh Review dispatches the subject after a very flippant fashion—" In removing Lord Roden," says this great sage, "the Government have fulfilled their duty and done their part. But here their power ceases. The fate of Ireland is in her own hands." Not quite, most learned Theban; for, if so, what is the use of a clever Lord Lieutenant, with some fifty thousand troops and constabulary? We maintain that it is the bounden duty of the Government, whether Whig or Tory, to preserve the public peace, and to visit disturbers of the peace with proper penalties, adjudged by due course of law. These things have not been done; and the inference is that the Government has been pro tanto culpably remiss, and should earnestly endea vour to mend their ways.

We should perhaps apologize to Scottish readers for dilating so largely upon an Irish theme; but as we are desirous that Highland subjects should attract attention in Ireland, we deem it but fair to familiarize Scotland with important Irish topics.

207

THE TERMINATION OF VICE-ROYALTY IN IRELAND.

We of course are disposed to make a strong stand on behalf of the dignity, importance, and influence of the newspaper press; but we confess it never struck us that the editor of the Times was the de facto Minister of the British empire; and that poor Lord John was only an honorary Premier, doing his little drudgery in Downing Street and in the House of Commons-but in reality subject to the sway of a penner of paragraphs, who wields his quill sceptre in Printing-house Square. The Queen, to be sure, has an ostensible Cabinet of counsellors, who eat and drink at each others' houses-discussing savoury dishes and State affairs; but they, after all, are but shadows of substantial power, hovering round the Crown, whose distinguishing favour, and quarterly pay, they are so happy to enjoy! But what shall we think of the invisible, ungazetted statesman, who undertakes to rule the British empire, without the pomp of place or the sweets of salary—and such an amateur First Minister is the editor of the Times! Talk of your Burleighs, or Pitts, or Cannings-mere pettifoggers at the Councilboard or in the Senate-vulgar functionaries, ruling by means of speechifying and red-tape; and actually shewing themselves to the public, so as to be the known servants of the Crown! We have abolished all these antiquated absurdities; and therefore, be it loudly proclaimed that the Government of this great monarchy is henceforth to be carried on by a supreme scribbler, who concocts oracular leaders for the Times. 'Tis true that nobody can positively say who, or what he is; but all the better-for mystery may prove more potent than personal identity; and the abstract perfections of an imperceptible editor may realize more reverence, than if we beheld him brandishing an unideal pen, dipping it in an actual ink-pot, and then tracing the blurred MS., which, when turned into type, is to rule the destinies of the world!

We have been led into this sportive strain of speculation by an article in the Times, on the subject which heads our present lucubration. We are aware that the old adage about "two of a trade," will be thrown spitefully in our teeth; but we must nevertheless whisper our persuasion that, the editorial merits of the Times are prodigiously over-rated. The concern is essentially a trading one, enjoying a monopoly every day more gainful, and which thrives

by the prostration of just principles, not by the fearless advocacy of truth. By a strange coincidence too, its riches will prove its ruin, for having attained a matchless circulation by its literary ability, and admirable arrangements for filling up every newspaper requirement—it is now become almost a mere advertising medium, so much so that, even eight pages of supplement cannot suffice without encroaching enormously upon the perusable part of the Leading Journal! Thus wrongs have some developed tendency to remedy themselves; and the readers of the Times will, at no distant day leave its columns to the scrutiny of advertisers, whilst readable information is sought for in other newspapers. However, that day is not yet come; and the Times is par excellence, literary and political lord paramount wherever paragraphs have power. And this brings us to the notice of the unseemly mode which the Government, Whig or Tory, have adopted of giving the first annunciation of great public measures—not from their high official positions, not from the Treasury Bench, but through a leading article in the Times-the privileged editor making a chuckling avowal of his familiar knowledge of State secrets. Now our impression as to this new fangled practice is very unfavourable. We hold that no Ministers of the Crown are justified in hinting through the channel of irresponsible journalism, that public measures of great importance are sanctioned by the executive, and yet permit them to be unavowed by persons in authority. A case in point has just occurred; apropos of the facilities for intercommunication between England and Ireland, by means of the Tubular Bridge over the Menai, the Sir Oracle of the Times, is instructed to inform the Parliament and people of the United Kingdom, that the Earl of Clarendon is to be Ireland's last Lord Lieutenant, and that Vice-regal domination is to be no more! The whole matter is announced and dispatched with the flippant mock-majesty for which the sham Jupiter Tonans of the Times has rendered himself so remarkable

Assumes the God,

Affects to nod,

And seems to shake the spheres!

We have no doubt of the great fact which the Times surreptitiously divulges; but why did not the leaders in the two houses of Parliament employ a proper dignity of disclosure, instead of allowing their "secret" to ooze out in the leaders of the Times? The

The truth is that, from the proneness to pander to popular influences, Government permits its true honour to be trampled in the dust; and they delegate to "guinea-a-liners," the duty of imparting to the people, the mind and will of the Crown.

We have been for some time past prepared for the abolition fo Vice-regal authority in Ireland. Without affecting to be possessed of state arcana, like our brother scribbler of the Times, we distinctly discerned the symptoms of coming change. Lords Lieutenant of mediocre talents, contrived to govern Ireland by means of a faction. Could Lord Clarendon, a nobleman of ability, govern her without one? Alas, no! The last experiment has been tried, and the failure is palpable and pitiable. Let us endeavour to explain this seeming contrariety with clearness and brevity.

On the death of Lord Bessborough, the judicious choice of a Lord Lieutenant pressed importantly on the English Ministry. They selected a member of the Cabinet; and we question if the whole circle of the aristocracy could have furnished a more fitting personage than the Earl of Clarendon. His talents are of a high order; his attainments considerable; and his judgment sound and clear; to all of which he unites business habits of activity and assiduity. Such a nobleman was peculiarly suited to be a representative of royalty; and his usefulness would be in proportion to the extent of confidence placed in him. Shakespeare, who had a marvellous insight into mundane matters, gives us, in his Measure for Measure, a faithful and felicitous sketch of a model viceroy :

What figure of us think you he will bear?

For you must know, we have with special soul
Elected him our absence to supply;

Lent him our terror, drest him with our love;
And given his deputation all the organs

Of our own power.

It must be plain to all reflecting persons that the true doctrine of delegated sovereignty is contained in these noble lines: and had Lord Clarendon been sent over to Ireland upon Shakespearian, instead of Parliamentary principles, his sway would have stood a better chance of being successful and permanent. But instead of a long career of a prosperous rule, still continuing to warm the nations with redoubled ray," lo! we have the conge of the Lord Lieutenant, and the decease of Irish viceroyalty, announced like the changes of the last new pantomine, in the theatrical twaddle

of the nonchalant Times. What is the secret of all this? Was not Lord Clarendon extolled in the Queen's Speech? Did he not get a kind of acquittal on the Dolly's Brae business in his own friendly House of Lords? Is he not the cleverest Lord Lieutenant that Ireland has had since Lord Chesterfield enlivened Dublin Castle with his wit, not unmixed with wisdom? The last query helps us to solve the mystery. Lord Clarendon being an able man, anxious to show off his capacity to govern, finds, to his great mortification, that in reality he has nothing of importance left him to do. During the wild bellowings of the O'Connellite agitation, and the short spasm of a frantic fraction of rebellion, Lord Clarendon's personal vigour and vigilance were called into useful exercise; but now that agitation is only a weekly whine to extort pence for the Liberator's medicant son; and that the talking theorists of insurrection are quietly converted into expatriated convicts, Lord Clarendon's "occupation's gone." He has, no doubt, what would satisfy most noblemen; he is surrounded with the insignia of rule; and some twenty thousand pounds a year to sustain vice-regal splendour are at his disposal. What, then does his Excellency lack? Why, power to be sure; without which pageantry, to a man of mind, is despicable, and even distressing. All power and patronage is centered in a few Government offices at Whitehall: so that Lord Clarendon's Irish position, instead of being intellectual and commanding, is very little better than that of the popinjay at ancient archery meetings-to be shot at by all malcontents who aim for the prize of patriotism! Under these circumstances, we feel assured, that, but for the lucky bit of rebellion two years ago, which infused some briskness into the dull routine of Dublin Castle, Lord Clarendon would have resumed, ere this, his share of substantial sway in Downing Street. With his decheance, we are, it seems, to have coupled the abolition of the vice-regal office; and we are heartily glad of it. We of course do not welcome the change upon Joseph Hume's beggarly, economical principles; for if any national benefits were derivable from a Lord Lieutenancy, expense, and great expense too, would be warrantable for its maintenance. But a Viceroy without power or patronage, getting daily orders from Home Office or Treasury Clerks, is a fraudulent imitation of authority which cannot be suppressed too soon. We write with confidence on this subject; for it so happened, that shortly after Lord Clarendon's induction into