gislation, and the residence of the powerful, fashionable, and wealthy; but it is also the most magnificent mart of commerce; the most astonishing meeting-place of merchants; and the vastest receptacle of varieties in the known world. Every article ministering to comfort or luxury; every result of man's art or device which can subserve the uttermost cravings of novelty, may be readily procured in London. Plant yourself in the English metropolis, and (always implying that you possess money or credit) your orders will obtain for you a sufficient supply of every foreign fine thing that can be imported into Prince Albert's bloated Exhibition. Take the list of invited items in your hand; cull out the most recherchees of that inventory of needless things, so far as utility is concerned and a five shilling advertisement in the Times will soon fetch out the habitat of every useless article your heart may be set upon. Well, instead of viewing this proud preeminence of London as constituting an over-powering monopoly which bids defiance to competition, Prince Albert and his helpers are desirous of swelling the splendours of the crowning city into an enormous aggregate of supplemental pomp and opulent gorgeousness. Nor is this all; for by a shabby deviation from the primitive plan, the country is to be made to pay for the gainful ostentation of the town, and subscriptions are solicited in all quarters, and virtually in the Prince's name, to defray the expenses which are about to be incurred by the promoters of the exhibition. The brilliant banquet to the 168 Mayors was, in fact, a sort of catch-penny conviviality designed to enlist these functionaries into a kind of municipal mendicancy in behalf of the new Babylonish bazaar. A temporary building is to be erected at a monstrous cost in one of the parks, and when the fit of folly is over, the materials will be sold for a song. A million of trading exhibitors and idle sight-seers are to be congregated, it seems, for three months in the metropolis; and every annual meeting, in any part of the united kingdom, is recommended to be postponed for a year, in order to multiply the London mob of curiosity-seekers, made up of people, nations, and languages, not unlike the crowds convened by Chaldean sound of sackbut in the plain of Dura. We do not envy the largeness of London; but we think her natural and acquired superiorities are sufficiently secured to her, without rendering it necessary to strip the provinces of their proper share of prosperity. So far from promoting true trade, we maintain that this tawdry exhibition will disturb all the regular channels of useful industry and enterprise, and reduce rational display to the trumpery standard of a show at a fair. What serves to make the whole matter still more preposterous is the appointment of a royal commission to work out a project which is to be paid for; not out of the privy purse or the national revenue, but by funds for which an Albert hat is to be sent round to the Queen's lieges! Sir Robert Peel, zealous as he is for this silly scheme, dropped some significant doubts as to the success of the proposed subscription, and intimates that the failure of funds would be disgraceful to the British people. But we beg leave to differ from the expremier. We believe that the discredit of a pecuniary deficiency will rest upon the indiscreet contrivers of so paltry a plan, who, if they could have made out a case worthy of State interposition, should have shaped it as a Government measure, so as to avert the chances of failure. At present the affair borders on the ridiculous. Prince Albert and a board of royal commissioners have a grand project confided to their management, which they cannot carry out upon public principles except they are succoured by private pence. Here is a practical incongruity which so many counselling sages ought to have foreseen, and which appears already to damage the certitude of the august concern. Nothing but an extraordinary ebullition of British bounty can extricate the Prince from the consequences of bad advice; and at this moment John Bull does not seem over-inclined to come to the rescue. THE MARRIAGES BILL. Under this cheatingly-comprehensive title, Mr S. Wortley has again annoyed the House of Commons and the public with his old crotchet, that every man in the British empire must necessarily fall in love with his wife's sister! To facilitate marriages with young ladies filling this relation, after first wives have been swept off, is the main intent of Mr Wortley's bill; which we boldly affirm to be the most impudent attempt at legislation ever made in this country. Into the theological discussions which have been raised concerning the restriction which now subsists, we decline entering; because the promoters of the bill are not parties legislating upon general principles, but are, in fact, transgressors of an existing law, which they first wilfully violate, and then seek to get retrospectively repealed for their special indulgence and indemnity. It is perfectly notorious that the whole of this hubbub originates with a small clique of aristocratic and moneyed delinquents, who find themselves sunk in social position by contracting concubinage, which they would fain mature into marriage. The law, forsooth, stands in their way; and these modest folks ask to alter the whole land's legislation, for their special behoof and satisfaction! To which we say, Most certainly not. You knowingly and contumaciously pleased yourselves in contempt of the law, and you have no more claim to be freed from the penalties of misconduct than any other transgressors. Indeed so clear is the case of these shameless parties, that if an act repealing the present law were to be passed to-morrow, equity demands that they should be exempted from the abrogating provisions by making the statute exclusively prospective. COMPULSORY EMIGRATION-STRATHAIRD, SKYE. SCOTTISH (Communicated by Mr Mulock to the Northern Ensign.) We promised our readers some continuous details with reference to the proceedings at Strathaird, and we now hasten to fulfil our pledge. In entering more and more closely into a subject which involves the relation of landlord and tenant, we repeat, for the last time, our indignant disclaimer of the charge that we are endeavouring to weaken or impugn the rights of property. No, no. Ours is a Christian championship of universal equity, and we feel ourselves bound to vindicate the real rights of misled oppressors, even whilst we plead earnestly the cause of the oppressed. It is the abuse, the open, or, what is still more to be dreaded, the flagitiously-furtive abuse of the rights of property that we boldly expose and conscientiously condemn. All legal rights we unfeignedly respect; but the system now pursued by the bulk of Highland, and we might add, many Lowland proprietors, is utterly unsanctioned by any known law. The violence, the exaction, the subtle ravage perpetrated on many a noble and fair estate, are not the proper operation of the law of Scotland, they are the wicked fruit of an organised injustice carried on under colour of law. The legal profession being for the most part sordidly transformed into a mere trade, it is the power of the purse that commands the dicta of lawyers, It is true that when a case can be got fully before the Supreme Courts, an adjudication conformable with sound principles may be generally calculated upon. The eyes of the whole country are upon the deliberations and decisions of first-rate judges, who thus, in addition to their learning, experience, and independence, have a salutary check laid upon them by the very circumstances of their position. But thousands of cases, full of iniquitous hardship, can never reach a lofty tribunal, and are totally unredressed by inferior courts, over which no public opinion (as in England) can exercise a wholesome control. We fearlessly assert that the poor cannot obtain justice against the rich and powerful in the north of Scotland. Proprietors, or quasi proprietors (for, in plain truth, hundreds of possessors of the soil are virtually insolvent), however hostile to each other, are always agreed upon one point; viz., the collective enforcement of a system which drives bettermost tenants to poverty, and crushes poor tenants into pauperism! This is the frantic, suicidal system of many Highland proprietors, who, abetted by factors, lawyers, bankers, and even by ministers of the gospel, whether Bond or Free Church, form a phalanx of despotism such as we have never noticed in any other country. In Ireland-misgoverned, infatuated Ireland-we have witnessed more distress arising from destitution than we ever traced in the north of Scotland; but the latter exceeds the Emerald Isle a hundred-fold in oppression,-the tyranny which penetrates into the heart's core,-where the forms of law are associated with the denial of justice! This serves to show, that with all the seeming religious zeal burning and bustling in Scotland, true Christianity is not in power, if we may so speak. The poor and needy are afflicted and outraged without succour or sympathy; and we must subjoin that their endurance, which is wonderful, implies that the oppressed poor have more of the restraints of religion than their rich oppressors. We shall take occasion to recur to these general considerations in the sequel of the present article; but, in the meantime, we must direct our attention to the case of Strathaird. As the particulars relative to this estate may serve to illustrate a large class of Highland cases, we give the following details from an authentic source. The proprietor of Strathaird is Alexander M'Alister, Esq., of Torrisdale Castle, Campbelltown, Argyleshire, who is described to us as being what is called an amiable man, i. e., who does all his harsh deeds by deputy. "The best good man with the worst-natured muse." But with this sort of amiability we are not disposed to be extraordinarily lenient. Qui facit per alium, saith the legal adage, facit per se. If proprietors who enjoy the renown of piety or philanthropy, like our quondam friend Mr Lillingston, or our august correspondent the "good Duke," devolve their duties upon factors or others, who abuse the confidence of their employer, we stick to the liability of the master, instead of wasting powder and shot on the birds of prey who have collars round their necks inscribed with some proprietor's name. At this moment we are making ready for contingent publication two cases of signal injustice, in which the factor of a Ross-shire millionaire, and of an Inverness-shire proprietor, figure, as we think, very discreditably, and yet the worthy lairds would shuffle off all responsibility from themselves, and refer us to an impeccable factor, with whom we beg to decline all controversy, forasmuch as he is no paid servant of ours! It is high time that the grand secret of responsibility should be solved. If men are vested with the rights of property, let them honourably discharge the duties, and fearlessly meet the responsibilities, of property; therefore, when we open up any shameful abuse perpetrated by a factor or commissioner, we shall not suffer the employer to slink under the shelter of his vague repute for benevolence, but, fixing the accountability upon the real party, we shall say at once, Thou art the man! If a super-excellent master continues to employ pernicious servants, who is to blame, pray, for this mischievous preference? So Mr A. M'Alister must be considered responsible for all the proceedings at Strathaird, cloaked with his delegated authority. The district of Strathaird is divided into eight farms-namely, Camismary, Glasnakelt, Kilmore, Kirkibost, Elgol, Keppoch, Arinacraig, Feolin. The population of the whole district is about 620. It is the people upon the four last farms that are under notice to remove-the number of persons, exactly 477. Arinacraig and Feolin are small farms: upon the former there are only four families, and upon the latter three, who, within the last fortnight, got notice that they would be allowed to remain during the lifetime of an old man who had a lease of Feolin, but, not paying his rents, forfeited his lease. The arrears laid to their charge have been accumulating for the last |