The Emperor asked me some questions relative to the French emigrants, London, and the English. I told him that though the emigrants in a body did not like the English, yet there were few who did not become attached to some Englishman or other: that though the English were not fond of the emigrants, yet there were few English families who did not shew themselves friendly to some of the French. This is the real key of those sentiments and reports, so often contradictory, that are met with on the subject. With regard to the kindness we received from the English, particularly the middle class, from whom the character of a nation is always to be learned, it is beyond all expression, and has entailed a heavy debt of gratitude upon us. It would be difficult to enumerate the private benefactions, the benevolent institutions, and the charitable measures by which our distresses were relieved. The example of individuals induced the government to assist us by regular allowances; and even when these were granted, private benevolence did not cease.'

Returning to France at the peace of Amiens, the Count was employed under the Imperial government, and afterward became a member of the Council of State; of which he gives an interesting account in Vol. I. Part I. and Vol. II. Part IV. We quote a few passages.

The Council of State received appeals and pronounced finally on all administrative judgments; and incidentally on those of all other tribunals, even those of the Court of Cassation. There, were examined, complaints against the ministers, and appeals from the Emperor to the Emperor better informed. Thus the Council of State, at which the Emperor uniformly presided, being frequently in direct opposition to the ministers, or occupied in reforming their acts and errors, naturally became the point of refuge for persons or interests aggrieved by any authority whatever. All who were ever present at the meetings; of the council must know with what zeal the cause of the citizens was there defended. A committee of the Council of State received all the petitions of the empire, and laid before the sovereign those which deserved his attention.'

The Emperor asked me whether I thought the discussion perfectly free in the Council of State, or whether his presence did not impose a restraint on the deliberations? I reminded him of a very long debate, during which he had remained throughout singular in his opinion, and had at last been obliged to yield. He immediately recollected the circumstance. "Oh, yes," said he, “that must have been in the case of a woman of Amsterdam, who had been tried for her life and acquitted three several times by the Imperial Courts, but against whom a fresh trial was demanded in the Court of Cassation." The Emperor hoped that this happy concurrence of the law might have exhausted its severity in favour of the prisoner; that this lucky fatality of circumstances might have turned to her advantage. It was urged in reply, that he possessed the beneficent power of bestowing pardon; but that the law was inflexible,

X 3

inflexible, and must take its course. The debate was a very long one. M. Muraire spoke a great deal, and very much to the point; he persuaded every one except the Emperor, who still remained singular in his opinion, and at length yielded with these remarkable words: "Gentlemen, the decision goes by the majority here; I remain single, and must yield; but I declare, in my conscience, that I yield only to forms. You have reduced me to

silence, but by no means convinced me."

'So little was the nature of the Council of State understood by people in general, that it was believed no one dared utter a word in that assembly in opposition to the Emperor's opinion. Thus I very much surprized many persons, when I related the fact, that one day, during a very animated debate, the Emperor, having been interrupted three times in giving his opinion, turned towards the individual who had rather rudely cut him short, and said in a sharp tone: "I have not yet done; I beg you will allow me to continue. I believe every one here has a right to deliver his opinion." The smartness of this reply, notwithstanding the solemnity of the occasion, excited a general laugh, in which the Emperor himself joined.

"Yet," said I to him, "the speakers evidently sought to discover what might be your Majesty's opinion: they seemed to congratulate themselves when their views coincided with yours, and to be embarrassed on finding themselves maintaining opposite sentiments. You were accused, too, of laying snares for us, in order to discover our real opinion." However, when the question was once started, self-love and the warmth of argument contributed, along with the freedom of discussion which the Emperor encouraged, to induce every one to maintain his own opinion. "I do not mind being contradicted," said the Emperor: "I seek to be informed. Speak boldly," he would repeat; whenever the speaker expressed himself equivocally, or the subject was a delicate one; "tell me all that you think; we are alone here; we are

all en famille."'

When the restoration of the Bourbons took place, the author resumed his allegiance to them, but lived chiefly in retirement, and again passed some time in England. On Napoleon's final abdication in 1815, the Count's admiration of him had become so great that he determined on offering to follow his reverses of fortune, whithersoever they might lead; and accordingly, having accompanied his master on board the Bellerophon, he was subsequently placed among the exiles to St. Helena.

1

As one source of amusement in this banishment, the Count persuaded Napoleon to dictate to him a variety of particulars relative to his Campaigns in Italy, in order to form a history of that period of his military career. Some portions of this narrative are contained in the present volumes: but it is intended that the whole shall hereafter be published as a sepa

rate

rate work, on a grand scale, of which the author has given a programme in Vol. II. Part IV. for the instruction of his son, if he himself should not live to accomplish his design. The details now printed relate to the battle of Montenotte, 11th April, 1796; of Millesimo, 14th April; of Castiglione, 5th August; of Dego, August 15th; of Arcola, 15-17th November; of Rivoli, January, 1797; the surrender of Mantua, battle of the Tagliamento, 16th March, entrance into Germany, &c. On the present occasion we shall not farther advert to these military episodes, but shall wait for the appearance of the complete work. This plan of history-writing was also farther extended, by dictation on other points to Count Montholon and General Gourgaud; and two volumes of these "Memoirs of the History of France during the Reign of Napoleon" are already published, one by each of those gentlemen. Again, therefore, we have a Cæsar writing Commentaries on his own wars.

The interesting passages in the volumes before us are so numerous, that it will not be possible for us to attend to more than a portion of those which we should be inclined to bring forwards, or to enter on that discussion of them which they are often so well adapted to excite. It is difficult even to select, and still less easy to arrange; the work being strictly a journal, relating events and conversations according to their daily occurrence, without any other order or classification. We shall begin, however, by illustrations of the private and personal character of the Exile, which was probably rendered better known to his companions on the Rock than it had ever been to the satellites round his throne or the captains in his camp. • the

Early in Part I., Count Las Cases brings together details which he collected at various times, respecting the early years of the Emperor's life,' interspersed with some communications from Napoleon himself, from which we shall detach a few particulars.

Napoleon was born at Ajaccio, in Corsica, about noon on the 15th of August (the Assumption-Day) in the year 1769.

In his boyhood (childhood) Napoleon was turbulent, adroit, lively and agile in the extreme.

At the age of ten, he was sent to the military school at Brienne. At this period a great change took place in his character. In contradiction to all the apocryphal histories, which contain anecdotes of his life, he was when at Brienne mild, quiet, and susceptible. One day the quarter-master, who was a man of harsh disposition, and who never took the trouble of considering the physical and moral shades of character in each individual scholar, condemned Napoleon, by way of punishment, to wear the serge coat, and to take his dinner on his knees at the door of the

refectory. Napoleon, who had a vast share of pride and self-conceit, was so mortified by this disgrace, that he was seized with a violent retching, and suffered a severe nervous attack.

"On attaining the age of puberty, Napoleon's temper became morose and reserved; his passion for reading was carried to excess; and he eagerly devoured the contents of every book that fell in his way. Pichegru was at this time his quarter-master and his tutor in the four rules of arithmetic."

*❝In 1783, Napoleon was one of the scholars who, at the usual competition at Brienne, were fixed upon to be sent to the military school at Paris, to finish their education. The choice was made annually by an inspector, who visited the twelve military schools. This office was filled by the Chevalier de Keralio, a general officer, and the author of a work on military tactics. He was also the tutor of the present King of Bavaria, who in his youth bore the title of Duke de Deux-Ponts. Keralio was an amiable old man, and well adapted to discharge the duty of inspector of the military schools. He was fond of the boys, played with them when they had finished their examinations, and permitted those who had acquitted themselves most to his satisfaction to dine with him at the table of the monks. He was particularly attached to young Napoleon, and took a pleasure in stimulating him to exertion. He singled him out to be sent to Paris, though it would appear he had not at that time attained the requisite age. The lad was not very far advanced in any branch of education except mathematics, and the monks suggested that it would be better to wait till the following year, to afford time for further improvement. But this the Chevalier de Keralio would by no means agree to: I know what I am about,' said he, and if I am transgressing the rules, it is not on account of family influence:

I know nothing of the friends of this youth. I am actuated only by my own opinion of his merit. I perceive in him a spark of genius which cannot be too early fostered.' The worthy chevalier died suddenly, before he had time to carry his determination into effect; but his successor, M. de Regnaud, who would not perhaps have evinced half his penetration, nevertheless fulfilled his decision, and young Napoleon was sent to Paris."

At this period he began to develope qualities of a superior order: decision of character, profound reflection, and vigorous conceptions.'

Napoleon was scarcely eighteen years of age when the Abbé Raynal, struck with the extent of his acquirements, appreciated his merit so highly as to make him one of the ornaments of his scientific déjeuners. Finally, the celebrated Paoli, who had long inspired Napoleon with a sort of veneration, and who found that the latter had headed a party against him, whenever he showed himself favourable to the English, was accustomed to say, "This young man is formed on the ancient model. He is one of Plutarch's men.'

These lines were dictated by the Emperor himself."

. When

When about eighteen or twenty years of age, the Emperor was distinguished as a young man of extensive information, possessing a reflective turn of mind and strong reasoning powers. He had read an immense deal, and had profoundly meditated on the fund of knowledge thus acquired, much of which, he used to say, he had probably since lost. His sparkling and ready wit, and energetic language, distinguished him wherever he went: he was a favourite with every one, particularly with the fair sex, to whom he recommended himself by the elegance and novelty of his ideas, and the boldness of his arguments. As for the men, they were often afraid to engage with him in those discussions into which he was led by a natural confidence in his own powers.'

'Circumstances and reflection have considerably modified his character. Even his style of expression, now so concise and laconic, was in his youth diffuse and emphatic. At the time of the Legislative Assembly, Napoleon assumed a serious and severe demeanour, and became less communicative than before. The Army of Italy also marked another epoch in his character. His extreme youth, when he went to take the command of the army, rendered it necessary that he should evince great reserve, and the utmost strictness of morals. "This was indispensably necessary," said he, "to enable me to command men so much above me in point of age. I pursued a line of conduct truly irreproachable and exemplary. I proved myself a sort of Cato. I must have appeared such in the eyes of all. I was a philosopher and a sage."

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In 1793, Napoleon was in Corsica, where he had a command in the National Guards. He opposed Paoli as soon as he was led to suspect that the veteran, to whom he had hitherto been so much attached, entertained the design of betraying the island to the English. Therefore it is not true, as has been generally reported, that Napoleon, or some of his family, were at one time in England, proposing to raise a Corsican regiment for the English

service.'

In Part II. we have this sketch of him by the author, at a much later period of his life:

Who can pretend to know the Emperor in his character of a private man better than myself?—I who was with him during two months of solitude in the desert of Briars; I who accompanied him in his long walks by moonlight, and who enjoyed so many hours in his society? Who like me had the opportunity of choosing the moment, the place, and the subject of his conversation? Who besides myself heard him recall to mind the charms of his boyhood, or describe the pleasures of his youth, and the bitterness of his recent sorrow? I am convinced that I know his character thoroughly, and that I can now explain many circumstances which, at the time of their occurrence, seemed difficult to be understood. I can now very well comprehend that which struck us so forcibly, and which particularly characterized him in the days of his power; namely, that no individual ever permanently incurred the displeasure of Napoleon: however marked might be his disgrace,

however