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alliance of two parties in the Chamber of Deputies whose political views had previously been in avowed opposition to each other, and by a prodigal distribution of decorations, titles, honors, and places, to men whose "bad eminence," whose only merit, was the desertion of their principles, such a preponderance has been given to the aristocratic influence, that the Charter is obviously intended to be converted into waste paper; and, under the pretence of excessive anxiety to preserve the power and splendor of the crown, the aristocracy is endeavouring to re-establish and support its own. On two or three occasions, our readers may recollect that we have ventured to speculate on the consequences which the law of testatorship will probably produce in France; and to predict that the minute division of property, which, in the course of another generation, must be its result, will annihilate the noblesse. In England, the right of entails and the law of primogeniture give support to an hereditary aristocracy: but in France it is destitute of this support; it has no permanent property; its existence chiefly depends on the emoluments of office derived from the throne or the state; and it prospers durante bene placito, or, at most, durante vitá. The aristocracy of France must, therefore, look to the throne for its continuance; and thus we can readily account for the indefatigable activity of a party which calls itself Royalist, and is eager to extend the power and influence of the crown because on them depend its own.

M. GANILH Considers that the object of the dominant party is three-fold; - to destroy the Revolution, to proscribe its principles, and to indemnify the emigrants. More strictly, perhaps, these are means to be employed for restoring the power of the aristocracy; and here it is obvious that the first may be merged in the second. It may be asked, then, What are the principles of the French Revolution? A just and universal indignation was raised throughout the civilized world against the atrocities committed in the course of it: but,' says the author, in vain will you attempt to establish the least connection or relation between its crimes and its principles; crimes do not flow from principles, but from passions; and you may as justly make Religion responsible for the vices of individuals, as impute to the principles of the Revolution all the enormities which attended it.' What are those principles which the Counter-Revolutionists are thus anxious to proscribe, and the abolition of which is to re-establish the social superiorities in France? Unfortunately, they have not been specified, or defined; and all that can be inferred from scattered writings on the subject is, that these principles KK 2

consist,

consist, 1st, in resistance to arbitrary and despotic power; 2dly, in social equality; and, 3dly, in the sovereignty of the people.

It would occupy more room than we can afford to enter at length into the author's able and ingenious defence of each of these principles. The right of resistance to despotic power has been exercised in all ages; and a recognition of it from the proudest monarchs has frequently been extorted. This fact is historically proved by reference to the establishments of Saint Louis; to the Magna Charta of England; to the brethren of Castille; to the privileges of union granted to the Aragonese by Alphonso III. in 1287; to the republics of Italy in the twelfth century; to the league of Smalcalde in 1530; and to the revolutions in Swisserland, Holland, England, and the United States. The 2d principle, of social equality, is not less an object of scandal and reprobation than that of resistance; and, indeed, it may be said to have formed the distinctive characteristic of the French Revolution. M. GANILH observes that, if we examine attentively the causes which influence the feelings and sentiments of a whole people, we shall have but little difficulty in ascribing the ardor with which this principle was cherished by the people of France, to the long and intolerable oppression which they had endured from the higher orders; so that there was no effort which they would not willingly make to withdraw themselves from this galling yoke of bondage. In turn oppressed by the great vassals as serfs and tributaries; treated, according to the manners of a chivalrous age, as villains; or insulted by the noblesse as plebeians and commonalty; the French people necessarily felt acutely all the mischief of great inequality of condition in civil life. Even the civil authorities, the depositaries of public power, and the social superiorities, could not escape from the pride, vanity, contempt, and hauteur of the nobility. This insolence of rank spread its contamination to the professions, and to the lower classes of the people; and every body seemed to measure his own consideration and consequence, by the greater or less number of inferiors whom he fancied himself at liberty to treat with contempt! In this state of society, is it surprizing that the revolution generated a re-action on the part of the degraded classes? Under the old regime, all dignities of the church, all rank in the army, and the higher functions of magistracy, were claimed by the nobility as an especial privilege; is it wonderful, then, that those who had been for ages excluded from the paths which lead to glory, wealth, and honor, should at last break down the barrier which opposed their admission? The Charter

has

has recognized this principle; it has declared that all Frenchmen are equal in the eye of the law: can it be said, then, that this exclusion from especial privileges, this throwing open to unlimited competition all social honors and emoluments, is the subversion of social order? Yet, in defiance of the Charter, to restore the predominance of the old nobility to these unjust privileges is the object of the Counter-Revolutionists: but it is an object which no human power can effect, in opposition to the national will.

The sovereignty of the people is the third principle which excites much indignation. It seems to us that this, like the principle of resistance, is one which it is exceedingly unwise to moot on the part of the aristocracy of any country. As there can be no sovereignty without society, so neither can any society exist without sovereignty; and the only question is whether it resides in the great body of the people, or in a portion of it, or in a single individual. An eminent writer of our own country, in considering the principle on which the Revolution of 1688 proceeded, says that, "whenever a question arises between the society at large and any magistrate, vested with powers, originally delegated by that society, it must be decided by the voice of the society itself; there is not upon earth any other tribunal to resort to." He wisely remarks, too, when speaking of certain circumstances which may be supposed to legalize resistance on the part of the people, that in these," or others which a fertile imagination may furnish, since both law and history are silent, it becomes us to be silent too; leaving to future generations, whenever necessity and the safety of the whole shall require it, the exertion of those inherent though latent powers of society which no climate, no time, no constitution can ever destroy or diminish." We have taken these passages, which recognize the principle of resistance and the sovereignty of the people in the clearest terms, from the writings of one who will not be suspected of having been under the influence of any turbulent and factious motives for they are extracted from the "Commentaries on the Laws of England" by Mr. Justice Blackstone. (B. i. c. iii. and b. i. c. vii.) How unwise is it, on the part of the UltraRoyalists of France, to bring forwards such subjects for discussion! How unwise on the part of Louis XVIII. and his ministers to tell the people of Spain, that, whatever liberty and freedom they are allowed to enjoy, it must emanate from the benevolence and generosity of their beloved Ferdinand alone; and that the stream must flow from the fountain of his omnipotence, in scanty or more copious streams according as he wills! The people of France must be immersed in the deepest ignorance

Kk 3

ignorance and fatuity, not to discern that where the seat of Sovereignty resides is the question now to be tried in Spain; and they must be the grossest ideots in the world not to foresee that the result of the trial will be a verdict of constitutional freedom, or of unmitigated slavery, to themselves. "God send them a good deliverance !"

"Indemnity to the emigrants" is neither the last nor the least object of the dominant party in France. The throne, say they, has come out of the furnace of the Revolution in all its splendor, and is restored to its legitimate possessor: but is there no recognition of legitimacy in the claims of simple citizens to their rank, rights, and possessions? It is scarcely credible that such preposterous demands should be set up: demands which must inevitably disturb, once more, all the existing relations of property if any attempt be made to enforce them; must rekindle the flames of civil war; and must immolate new generations on that altar on which so many victims have already perished!--If the object of the CounterRevolutionists of France be to resume these possessions, and restore to the aristocracy their odious privileges, the next question is, What are the means which they can employ to accomplish it? Perhaps, they expect co-operation from the Monarch? M. GANILH, however, who speaks his mind rather plainly, thinks that the King has a great deal too much good sense, integrity, honor, and regard for the principles which he subscribed in the Charter, to have the least inclination to second their views. We hope that he is not deceived. To outrage the will of the people is a dangerous experiment in these times; and, to preserve the crown on his head, Louis must retain the Charter in his hands. Perhaps the Counter-Revolutionists rely on the co-operation of the clergy? They do: but will not the clergy, like the King, however desirous that body may be to give its assistance, be too prudent to risk the station and constitutional provisions to which they have been restored, by so wild an enterprize? In the first revolution,

they were swept away by the torrent: are they more able to resist a second now? It is on the HOLY ALLIANCE, then, that all hopes depend for restoring to the old noblesse their former rank, rights, and possessions! M. GANILH wastes some pages in refuting the pretended rights of this royal con

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*Yet so it is: " Ils ne craignent même pas de demander s'il n'y a qu'une seule légitimité, s'il ne faut la reconnaître que dans les trônes, et si elle ne peut pas étre aussi dans les rangs, dans les droits, dans les possessions des simples citoyens." (Monarchie Francaise, par M. de Montlosier, tom. v. p. 17.)

federacy

federacy to interfere with the political regulations of other nations as if these northern sovereigns would ever trouble themselves about the right of interference if they have the power! The trial, however, is at hand. Their armies may catch the infection which they are driven forwards to extinguish; and, should they once be inoculated with liberty in Spain, the affection may spread from rank to rank, and be brought home to run a resistless course throughout their own dominions: -"a consummation devoutly to be wished!"

ART. VI. Relation Historique et Médicale, &c.; i. e. An Historical and Medical Account of the Yellow Fever which prevailed at Barcelona in the Year 1821. By M. F. M. AUDOUARD, M.D. &c. &c. 8vo. pp. 480. Paris. 1822. 1822. Imported by Treuttel and Co. Price 10s. 6d.

TH 'HE dreadful ravages committed by yellow fever in the city and suburbs of Barcelona, during the autumn of 1821, of which we gave some account in the Appendix to the Monthly Review, vol. xcviii., naturally excited a great degree of anxiety in the neighbouring kingdom of France. Several physicians were consequently deputed by the Minister of the Interior to repair to the scene of this malady, for the purpose of ascertaining its nature, and acquiring that information which might best enable the French government to prevent its introduction into that country, under the belief that it was contagious; as well as to render the treatment of it successful, should it unhappily spread beyond the Spanish border. Actuated by the most elevated feelings of professional ardor, Dr. AUDOUARD applied to be included among the members of this medical commission, at first without success: but he was at length sent to Barcelona by the Minister of War, with orders to communicate on the subject with the military authorities on the French frontiers.

In consequence, the work before us is the result of observations made at Barcelona, from the 23d of October to the 20th of November. In some preliminary remarks, the author complains of the conduct of the medical commission; who appear not only to have endeavored to thwart him in the object of his journey, but to have availed themselves of his valuable labors, and even attempted to appropriate to themselves the credit of discoveries which were due only to him. This is a painful subject, on which we are unwilling to detain our readers, whom we refer for details to the volume.

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