"Me! No! But what about him ?" asked Brunton, forcing himself to speak.

Mr. Ashley went into the matter, denouncing the learned civilian as little better than a swindler: he was deeply mortified that his own acuteness should have been foiled, and it made him doubly vindictive.

"Nobody takes me in with impunity, Brunton. That old fellow has managed to get more than a thousand pounds' worth of my property. But I'll have it out of him before another day is over. He was in the country, they said, when I called on Saturday, but they expected him back this morning. He'll find an execution waiting for him. I'll put a man in possession this very day, as sure as my name's-what it is!" Brunton was saved the embarrassment of an answer by a knock at the door, which made Mr. Ashley go to the window.

"I sent for Cutts," he said, "to come here early this morning. He knows where this Dr. Brocas is, I'll be bound."

Brunton knew also, but though a word would have gratified his revenge, he did not dare to speak.

"I've been waiting for you this hour, Cutts," said Mr. Ashley, as the auctioneer entered the room.

"I should have been here two hours ago,” replied the auctioneer, "if something hadn't happened. Ah, Brunton, how d'ye do ?" "What something ?" asked Mr. Ashley.

"Why, there's an awkward report down at Scotland Yard. met told me of it, and I went to see if it was true."

A man I

"Can't you say what it is and have done," exclaimed Mr. Ashley; "I suppose it don't concern me?"

"If it don't concern you, it concerns somebody you know, and you won't like it, I can tell you.'

A nervous dread came over Brunton; he rose to leave the room, but lingered, with his hand on the door, anxious yet afraid to hear what Cutts had to say.

"Speak out, then," said Mr. Ashley, angrily.

"Well," said Cutts, "there's a report that Lord Harry FitzLupus has been killed."

Brunton staggered, and would have fallen if he had not clung to the door for support.

Mr. Ashley's surprise gave him time to recover himself, but not before Cutts had cast on him a look of wonder.

66

"Killed!" cried Mr. Ashley. "The devil! How? When? Where?" "The news, such as it is," answered Cutts, came up by telegraph, and wasn't very well worded, but as well as they could make it out at the Yard it comes to this. Lord Harry and his groom were driving in a gig last night, and some fellow-they don't know if he's a robber or not-fired at them, and tumbled Lord Harry over."

"And where did it happen?" asked Mr. Ashley.

"Close to a plantation just outside Broadstone Park-somewhere down in Hampshire."

"Broadstone !" exclaimed Mr. Ashley. "Why, that's where you were, Brunton. Did you hear anything of it ?"

The question was asked in vain. Brunton was gone, and the loud bang of the street door was all the answer Mr. Ashley received.

The Hebrew Dealer was too much interested in the news to take any

VOL. XLII.

2 H

notice, just then, of Brunton's abrupt disappearance. He pressed Cutts for further information, but the auctioneer could only repeat the telegraphic message as he had heard it from the police.

If this announcement were true it accumulated misfortune on the head of Mr. Ashley. He held acceptances of Lord Harry FitzLupus to a very large amount. The death of Lord Wolverton had just flushed him with the hope of a speedy settlement: there was no end to the prospect of delay; there was every likelihood of his claims being contested, if he had to do with Lord Harry's family.

But although Cutts was the bearer of intelligence which so nearly affected his patron's interests, a look of swaggering satisfaction appeared on his countenance, which Mr. Ashley could not comprehend.

The auctioneer observed that he was the object of scrutiny.

"I'm sorry," he said, thrusting his hands into his trousers-pockets and jingling some silver—“ I'm sorry for my noble relative."

"Your noble relative, Cutts!" said Mr. Ashley. "What on earth do

you mean?"

"Poor Lord Harry!" apostrophised the auctioneer; "I suppose I shall have to attend the funeral."

Mr. Ashley looked at Cutts in amazement. Had he, he asked him, utterly and entirely taken leave of his senses?

"Far from it," was the reply. "Never less disposed to turn lunatic. With his prospects!"

The Hebrew Dealer was himself nearly distracted, and urged Cutts to speak plainly, in terms that admitted of no delay.

"You know," he said, "the relationship which exists between Mrs. Cutts and Miss Claribel-ah-ah-Page? Yes, 'Page,' that will do for the present. You know that, sir?"

Mr. Ashley assented.

"Well, sir, her niece, her own blood relation, my niece-in-law, sir, is a lady of rank. Mrs. Cutts and the late Lord Wolverton stand-stood I should say in the same degree of affinity towards my Lady Claribel FitzLupus; that's her real name, sir-a lady by birth and title! Kate had a letter this morning from her sister, Mrs. Basset, relating the whole story. The fact only transpired on Saturday-quite a romance, Mrs. B. says. I was on my way here to apprise you of it when I heard of my noble nephew's accident."

"Ass and fool!" growled the Hebrew Dealer. "I must have some better warranty for this than your word. You're telling me a pack of improbable lies—one worse than the other."

Judge for yourself, then," said Cutts, sullenly throwing Mrs. Basset's letter on the table. When you've read that, you've only to go to the station and see how true the rest is."

Mr. Ashley seized the letter. It was long and ill-spelt. When he had got about half way through he paused.

"I remember," he said, reflecting, "the marquis had an only brother, who made, it was reported, an odd kind of marriage. It may be as she says. If So, the girl will come in for a large fortune. But she won't be 'my lady,' nevertheless. What else is there ?"

He resumed the letter, but stopped again almost immediately. "How's this?" he exclaimed. Staying with Dr. Brocas! at The

Wheatsheaf Inn, near Broadstone.' Why, all the world's at Broadstone! Did you know where Dr. Brocas was ?"

"I only knew," returned Cutts, "that he had taken my wife's sister and my lady—that is, our niece, Claribel-into the country for a day or two. Little Basset, the watchmaker, took the liberty, as Kate says, of calling at our door, yesterday, to say so."

"This is a complicated business," thought Mr. Ashley. "It won't do to be too precipitate. A large fortune. Who knows whether the doctor mightn't marry her! Stranger matches than that have been made. I won't put in the execution-just yet. What presses most is to learn the truth of this report about Lord Harry FitzLupus. I should lose heavily by his death. His death! Now I come to think of it, what made Brunton in such a state whenever his name was mentioned? That sickness was only a pretence. He knows something about this affair. Can he have had any hand in it? But then, why? They were strangers to each other."

After a few moments' silence, Mr. Ashley turned to Cutts.

"Did Brunton's manner strike you at all," he said, "before he went away just now?”

"I thought he looked devilish queer," returned Cutts, "when I was telling you about Lord Harry. He bolted, though, in the middle of it." "Was Brunton acquainted with him ?”

"I know they met once."

"Where was that?"

"At our house. You were there too."

"Oh, I remember. The night the play was read."

"But as to their making acquaintance, I can't say; I should rather think not."

። Why not ?"

"A pretty good reason, I fancy."

"What was that?"

"There was a lady in the case; but you mustn't breathe a syllable of this to Brunton. He'd cut my throat if he knew I named it."

"You may trust me," said Mr. Ashley. "Who was the lady?" “I shouldn't, perhaps, have told you, if you'd asked me yesterday, but to-day it's a different thing. Brunton was after Claribel; and so was Lord Harry."

Quick as thought, Mr. Ashley put certain facts in combination, and made a guess not far from the truth; but that guess he locked in his own bosom.

If the act

"It will be time enough to profit by it when I know more. be his, I owe him no thanks: on the contrary, it loses me my money. I shall look to him for payment. So take care of yourself, Mr. Brunton." Then, replying to Cutts, he said,

"The best reason possible for their not seeking each other's society." "It stuns a man, though, whether he likes a fellow or not, when he hears of his sudden death," observed Cutts, sententiously.

"So it does," replied Mr. Ashley, glad to find that his secret thought had not been penetrated. "Come with me to Scotland Yard, and let us see if we can learn any more."

THE DAY OF HUMILIATION.

NOTHING could be more gratifying than the tone assumed by nearly all the ministers of our religion on that solemn day set apart for the humiliation of the nation before an offended Creator. It had been urged by some of the organs of public opinion that advantage should be taken of this day to promote the efforts of the recruiting-sergeant, and rouse the nation by that Moloch cry for vengeance which has so strangely perverted the judgment of some of our greatest men, causing them to forget for a while the precepts of that mild and merciful religion which we reverence, and bidding us assume to ourselves that right of punishment of which we are but the humble and appointed instruments. But this advice was only followed in isolated instances; here and there we regret to find a few "Tupperisms," as they have been called, but generally the ministers of God's Holy Word took a loftier and more noble view of their mission. As the spiritual leaders of a nation which is justly regarded as the most civilised in the world, they shrank from any appeal to the worse passions, and earnestly strove to teach a lesson of mercy and forgiveness, which we trust will bear ample fruit. Englishmen will ever be found ready to defend the honour of their country; they will make sacrifices when required, ungrudgingly and unrepiningly; but no persuasion will induce them to be guilty of acts of cruelty and barbarity, which can only emanate from latent cowardice, and thus place themselves on a parallel with the miscreant traitors whose wanton horrors have caused us such deep sorrow and regret. In the Mords of Mr. Disraeli, "we are bound to protest against meeting atrocities by atrocities. I have heard things said and seen things written of late which would make me almost suppose that the religious opinions of the people of England had undergone some great change, and that we were preparing to revive the worship of Moloch. I cannot believe that it is our duty to indulge in such a spirit. I think that what has happened in India is a great providential lesson, by which we may profit; and if we meet it like brave and inquiring men, we may assert our dominion and establish for the future in India a government which may prove at once lasting and honourable to the country." And to these magnificent sentiments we cordially respond Amen!

Equally gratifying has been the conduct of the Opposition during the whole of this momentous crisis; instead of striving to make political capital of the many grievous sins of omission and commission which the government has displayed, they have united with one heart and one mind to strengthen the hands of the ministers. In every speech they utter, whenever they have an opportunity of expressing their views, they carefully evade any channel which might add to the embarrassments by which Lord Palmerston is beset, and strenuously urge on the nation the necessity of combining to put down the insurrection which has so tarnished our flag. They have offered their advice, which has been received with an unwilling ear; but, brave hearts, they do not despond: they know the infinite vigour and dauntless courage animating our nation, and they em ploy their most strenuous exertions in fanning it into flame.

Turning to the government, we must confess our extreme disap

pointment; for if there were any one quality for which Lord Palmerston was supposed to be distinguished, it was energy. An entire nation demanded, in the crisis of the last war, that he should assume the helm, and confidence was restored so soon as it was supposed that vigorous measures would be undertaken. We will not stop here to inquire what peculiar advantages were derived from Lord Palmerston's administration, or whether any better terms of peace were obtained in consequence; but so much is certain, that all Lord Palmerston's energy has evaporated, or was expended during the last war, leaving none with which to meet the emergencies of the present awful crisis. He has slowly drifted into what may be called "the kid-glove school of politics," and appears to be constantly hesitating between the two great principles of laissez faire and laissez aller. We have already expressed our opinion as to the suicidal policy which has distinguished the whole of the Indian crisis; every paper, every letter from the East, urged the instantaneous transmission of troops through Egypt; but the government preferred the old system, and deferred the experiment until the first reinforcements were almost in sight of port. Even so late as the 16th of July, or two months nearly after the news of the insurrection had arrived, and while every mail was bringing tidings of fresh disasters, Lord Palmerston deliberately refused to take any steps for providing substitutes, or reserves, for the line. He saw no reason why the intelligence from India should cause any change in the government policy. This refusal was repeated in still more arrogant language by Lord Panmure in the House of Lords, and it was not till some weeks afterwards that government gave way to the incessant pressure, and called out ten thousand of the militia. The mere fact that this amount was not sufficient, and that fifteen thousand more men are now being slowly collected, speaks volumes for the foresight of the governmental policy.

We are ready to grant that any government stands in a very awkward position as regards the nation when it finds itself compelled to demand large expenditure. The exertions of the peace-at-any-price party have not been thrown away, and there is something extremely fascinating in those theories which suggest national economy. But the present is an isolated case; this is no war to satisfy the arrogance of emperors or the punctilios of diplomatists, but a stern reality, in which the lives of thousands of our countrymen are at stake. All parties have combined in the general demand that England's honour should be retrieved, and no sacrifice would have been thought too great for such a consummation. The government needed not to feel alarmed that the nation would not go along with it in any expenditure calculated to bring about the result in the shortest possible space of time, and we are naturally now not disposed to accept any excuses about "expense and inconvenience," which the government allege as the reason of their short-comings in connexion with the overland route. Besides, the deprecation comes a little too late, for it is notorious that any reputation Lord Palmerston has acquired has been by an utter disregard of expenditure, and by cajoling the House of Commons into overlooking his immense outlay. So long as success accompanied the profuse demand for money, the nation accepted that as a species of panacea; but now that the government is doing nothing to respond to our demand for action, we feel that the anxious wish to save