Obrázky na stránke
PDF
ePub

state, and no preference can be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over another. The states are prohibited from forming any alliances; from authorizing privateering; from coining money; from issuing treasury notes to circulate as money.

They are also prohibited from making anything but gold and silver coin a legal tender in the payment of debts. The Constitution does not prohibit Congress from making anything but gold and silver coin a legal tender; but it does not authorize it. The constitutionality of the act making the notes of the United States a legal tender may be fairly questioned. The states are prohibited from passing any bill of attainder-that is, a bill declaring a man guilty without a trial by law. They are also prohibited from passing ‚an ex post facto law-that is, a law making an act criminal or unlawful which was performed before the passage of the law, and from passing any law impairing the obligation of contracts. This last provision has been found to be a very important one.

Congress can make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. Religious freedom is thus guaranteed by the fundamental law of the land. The freedom of the press and the right of petition are in like manner guaranteed. It also provides that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.

VII.

The duty of the executive is to execute the laws. Experience has shown that a single is better than a plural executive. When the executive power is vested in two or more persons, there is a divided responsibility. The executive power is vested by the Constitution in a President chosen by the people for four years. He must be thirty-five years old, and a native of the United States.

It was thought that a shorter term of office would not allow one to carry out a well-matured system of policy, and that a longer term was undesirable in view of the fact that the long continued possession of power tends to abuse. The President may be re-elected as many times as the people choose. No one has ever been re-elected but

once.

The President is chosen by electors chosen by the people of each state. Each state is entitled to as many electors as it has Representatives and Senators in Congress. They meet in their respective states on the same day, and cast their votes for President and Vice-President. The votes are sent to Washington, and are opened and counted by the Vice-President in presence of both houses of Congress. The persons having a majority of all the votes are declared elected President and Vice-President.

In case no person has a majority of the electoral votes for President, the choice devolves upon the House of Representatives. The vote is taken by states, each state having one vote.

In case there is no choice of Vice-President by the electors, the election devolves upon the Senate.

In case of the death or disability of the President, the Vice-President performs the duties of the President. In case there is no Vice-President, the president of the Senate pro tempore acts as President. If there is no President pro tempore, the Speaker of the House of Representatives acts as President.

The President may be removed from office by impeachment. Only one President has been impeached. He was acquitted by the Senate.

The plan of electing the President by Electors instead of the direct vote of the people, has not met the expectations of those who formed it. The framers of the Constitution thought that the Electors would select a man for President,

and that they would be better qualified to make the selection than the people at large.

The President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoints all the important officers of the national government. An appointment made by the President during the recess of Congress holds good till the close of the succeeding session.

The Constitution is silent as to the power of removal from office. From the commencement of the government, the power has been exercised by the President. The question was discussed in Congress during the first administration of Washington. Madison and other leading men thought that the power of removal ought to rest with the President. At the same time they agreed that removal for partisan purposes would subject him to impeachment. The maxim, "to the victors belong the spoils" had not then been adopted.

The President has power to make treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate. When a treaty has been negotiated, it is laid before the Senate. If the Senate approve it, and the President sign it, it becomes a part of the "supreme law of the land." When the Senate has approved a treaty, the President may, if he chooses, withhold his signature.

If the stipulations of the treaty require an appropriation by Congress, that appropriation must be made. The House of Representatives have no right to sit in judgment on the treaty before making the required appropriation.

The President is Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states when called into the actual service of the United States. This gives to the President great power; but he is bound to exercise it in accordance with the Constitution and the laws.

VIII.

The executive power of the British government is vested in the King. The maxim, "the King never dies," means that the office is never vacant. When the occupant of the throne dies, the hereditary successor is at once clothed with all the powers of royalty.

The power of the King is wielded by ministers appointed by him, and holding office during his pleasure. He sends for some one, and requests him to form an administration, that is, to select men for the different executive departments. The person thus commissioned to form an adminis-, tration is called the Prime Minister.

He selects for himself an office, commonly that of first Lord of the Treasury, and distributes the other offices among his associates. These constitute the ministry.

It is a maxim of the British Constitution that "the King can do no wrong." The responsibility of all executive acts rests with the ministry. A minister can not plead the command of the King as an excuse for an illegal act. The minister is personally responsible.

If a member of the House of Commons accepts a ministerial office, he thereby vacates his seat in the House. He may, however, be re-elected, and thus be a minister and a member of the House of Commons at the same time. In our government, one can not hold an executive office and be a Member of Congress.

In theory, the ministers hold office at the will of the King; in practice, they hold office at the will of the people as expressed by the action of the House of Commons. If the measures proposed by the ministers do not receive the support of a majority of the Commons, they either resign or advise the king to dissolve Parliament, and order a new election. They will do this, if they believe that a majority of the new Parliament will support their measures. If they are not confident of this result, they will resign at once, and

the King will send for some one to form a new administration. The ministry changes as different parties secure majorities in the House of Commons.

The executive of Great Britain is thus more under the control of the legislative department than is the executive of the United States. The administration must have a working majority in the House of Commons or resign.

The King is commander-in-chief of the army and navy. All military and naval officers are appointed by him—that is, by the ministers acting in his name.

The King appoints the judges of the courts, the foreign ministers, and, as head of the national or established church, the bishops.

The King appoints persons members of the Privy Council, a Council distinct from the cabinet. The Privy Council have charge of matters relating to colonies and navigation. Our fathers appealed to the King in Council, that is, the Privy Council.

IX.

The framers of the Constitution were duly impressed with the importance of an able and independent national judiciary. It provides that "The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish."

Congress has established three national courts, viz: the Supreme Court, the Circuit Courts, and the District Courts. The Supreme Court consists of a Chief Justice and eight Justices, any six of whom constitute a quorum. It holds one term each year at Washington. The term begins on the second Monday in October. It is occupied chiefly in hearing and deciding cases on appeal from other courts. A suit can originate in the Supreme Court only in cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party. In these cases, it is said to have original jurisdiction.

The United States are divided into nine judicial circuits. For each circuit a judge is appointed. judge is appointed. They are called Circuit Judges. They reside and hold courts in their respective circuits. Each Justice of the Supreme Court must attend at least one term of a Circuit Court in every period of two years.

The United States are also divided into fifty-eight districts. To each district a District Judge is appointed, except that the States of Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina and Tennessee, have each one District Judge. The District Courts are held by the District Judges.

The officers of the national courts besides the judges are, the Attorney General, the District Attorneys, the Marshals, and the Clerks. The Attorney General conducts all suits in the Supreme Court in which the United States are concerned. He is also a member of the Cabinet, and gives his advice and opinions upon questions of law when required by the President, or the heads of departments.

The District Attorneys are the attorneys for the government, in the inferior courts. The duties of the Marshal are similar to those of the Sheriff in the state courts. The Clerk has the custody of the seal and records of the court, and signs and seals all processes and records of the proceedings and judgments of the court.

The judges of all the United States Courts are appointed by the President with the consent of the Senate, and hold office during good behavior. The provision of the Constitution relating to the judicial tenure of office received the assent of every member of the Federal Convention. This tenure secures the independence of the judge. If he is faithful to his trust, no earthly power can remove him from office. Further provision is made for his independence by that clause of the Constitution which declares that his C

|

compensation shall not be diminished during his continuance in office.

John Jay was the first Chief Justice of the United States, and discharged the duties of the office with signal ability. On his resignation, Oliver Ellsworth was appointed. He was succeeded by John Marshall, who held the office for thirty-five years. His judicial decisions were quoted with respect in the highest courts of Great Britain.

The Supreme Court is the final interpreter of the Constitution. If a law is passed which is supposed to be unconstitutional, and a case relating to that law is brought before the Court, its decision is final. If it declares the law unconstitutional, it becomes null and void. If a state law is in conflict with the Constitution of the United States, the Supreme Court will declare it null and void, and from its decision there is no appeal.

Each state has its state courts. From these, in many cases, appeals may be made to the courts of the United States. The Supreme Court has frequently exercised appellate jurisdiction in cases brought from state tribunals.

X.

The members of the Federal Convention resolved to form a national government, and they executed the resolve. The preamble declares that the people of the United States ordained and established the Constitution. It declares that "this Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding."

The passage expresses as strongly as words can express the supremacy of the national government. It is entirely inconsistent with the theory of Mr. John C. Calhoun, that the Constitution was a league of sovereign states; that each state was the judge of infractions of the Constitution, and measures of redress. According to that theory, if any state thinks that the Constitution has been violated by a law of Congress, it is at liberty to nullify that law, or to withdraw from the Union.

In 1832 South Carolina declared the tariff to be unconstitutional, and declared it null and void within the limits of the State. President Jackson issued a proclamation setting forth the supremacy of the Constitution, and declaring that the Constitution must be preserved. The vigorous measures preparatory to the forcible execution of the laws, led South Carolina to accept the compromise offered by Mr. Clay in Congress, and to withdraw her nullifying ordinance. It is absurd to speak of the states constituting the Union as sovereign states. Sovereign power is supreme power. A sovereign state is one which possesses sovereign or supreme power. No state in the Union possesses this power. The Constitution and laws of every state must be in accordance with the Constitution and laws of the United States.

There are various specific acts which the states are prohibited from doing. No state has power "to enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque or reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility." These are acts which sovereign states are competent to perform. The states of the Union are restrained from performing them. They are therefore not sovereign states. It is true that they retain the powers not given to the national government by the Constitution, but that Constitution, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, are the supreme law of the land.

The Calhoun view of the Constitution was first brought forward and advocated by Senator Hayne, of South Carolina. Mr. Webster's reply to Hayne gave him the title of "Defender of the Constitution." Subsequently Mr. Calhoun advocated his nullifying view in the Senate, and was replied to by Mr. Webster.

When the Constitution was first made public, it met with great opposition, on the ground that it gave the national government power over the states, required that their constitution and laws should be conformed to the Constitution and laws of the United States. The friends and framers of the Constitution admitted the fact that the government was not a league of sovereign states, and showed the wisdom and necessity of the restriction made by the Constitution. The Constitution was ordained and established by the people of the United States. The power that ordained is the only power that can abrogate or change it. If changed or abolished it must be done by the people acting in a constitutional way.

The British Constitution is not a written document. It consists of a series of usages which have been for many generations recognized as the fundamental law of the laud. | It is the growth of centuries. Its leading provisions are as clearly understood as are those of the Constitution of the United States.

XI.

This

The Constitution may receive amendments in two ways. Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of both houses, propose amendments to the Constitution; and if the proposed amendments are ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the states, they become a part of the Constitution. is the mode in which all amendments have been made. On the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the states, Congress is required to call a convention for proposing amendments. These may be ratified by the legislatures of the states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof. If so ratified they form a part of the Constitution.

During the first Congress, many amendments were proposed to the Constitution. Ten of these were laid before the legislatures of the states and ratified by them.

Subsequently five additional amendments were made, one declaring that a state is not suable in the United States Courts by an individual; one altering the mode of choosing the President, and three relating to slavery, and matters connected with the results of the rebellion.

The first new state formed after the adoption of the Federal Constitution was Vermont. It was admitted to the Union in 1791.

Missouri was admitted to the Union in 1820. Her constitution sanctioned slavery. A large majority of the members of the free states were opposed to admitting her with that constitution. A dissolution of the Union was threatened. The struggle was finally ended by a compromise known as the Missouri Compromise. By this Compromise Missouri was admitted as a slaveholding state; but it was stipulated that slavery should never be established in any states formed in future from land lying north of latitude 360, 30'.

This Compromise was repealed in 1854. The repeal was one of the series of acts on the part of the South designed to make slavery national.

The constitutions of the states are similar to the Constitution of the United States, and, of course, similar to one another. In all, the powers are divided into legislative, judicial, and executive. The legislative power is vested in two houses, and the mode of passing laws is similar to that pursued by the Congress of the United States.

All the states are divided into counties except South Carolina, which is divided into districts; and Louisiana, which is divided into parishes. In each county there is a county seat where inferior courts are held. In the state of New York, the Board of Supervisors elected by the township, form sort of a county legislature,—that is, they have certain legislative powers relating to the county.

In the New England states, New York, and some other states, each county is divided into townships having certain political powers. The inhabitants meet annually in "town meeting," and elect town officers, and make regulations in regard to local matters.

The township system has an important influence in the political education of the people. Townships furnish examples of pure democracies. The people meet and choose officers and make regulations, that is, enact laws for governing the township. Every citizen acts as a legislator. He becomes acquainted, to some extent, with the forms of trans. acting business, and with the responsibilities which rest upon him as a member of the body politic.*

XII.

The subject of African slavery was several times before the Federal Convention. Provisions relating to slavery were necessary; but it will be observed that the word

excluded by design. It was thought that slavery would ere long come to an end. Mr. Madison remarked that he wanted no word in the Constitution which implied that there could be property in man.

When the Constitution went into operation, Rhode Is-slavery or slave is not found in the Constitution. It was land and North Carolina did not belong to the United States. They were isolated sovereign states. They did not hold that position long. They adopted the Constitution, and thus the thirteen states were united under the Constitution. When the Revolutionary War began, and the prospects of reconciliation became clouded, the states proceeded to form state constitutions. New Jersey had formed and adopted a constitution two days before the Declaration of Independence. It contained a provision by which it became null and void in case a reconciliation with the mother country took place. In a short time all the states formed constitutions except Connecticut and Rhode Island. Those states continued to use their charters-Connecticut till 1818, and Rhode Island till 1842.

The Constitution makes provision for the admission of new states. A territory, when it has a sufficient number of inhabitants, forms a constitution, and applies to Congress for admission to the Union. Congress has power to reject the application if it deems the reasons for so doing sufficient. No state can be formed within the jurisdiction of any other state, or by the junction of two or more states, without the consent of Congress, and of the legislatures of the states concerned.

When the apportionment of representatives was under consideration, the Southern states insisted that, in determining the population, the slaves should be counted as well as the whites. The free states insisted that freemen only should be counted. The result was a compromise, by which all the whites and three-fifths of the slaves (called other persons), should be counted in fixing the basis of representation. By that provision the slave states had, previous to the rebellion, a larger number of representatives than the free states, that is, in proportion to the free population.

When the question of giving Congress power to abolish the African slave trade was before the Convention, an earnest debate arose. Some of the leading Southern statesmen were for giving Congress power to abolish the trade at once. Some few wished to withhold the power altogether. It was finally agreed that Congress should not have power to prohibit it before the year 1808. This provision was carried by

*Science of Government, p. 217.

the aid of New England votes. If all the Delegates from the free states had voted with Mr. Madison and his associates, the power to abolish slavery would have been given to Congress without restriction.

It has been estimated that 300,000 slaves were imported between the time of the formation of the Constitution and 1808, when its abolition by a previous act of Congress took place.

Provision was also made for the return of fugitive slaves. The Constitution required that persons held to service or labor in one state by the laws thereof, escaping into another state, shall be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom such service shall be due.

A law was passed by Congress which required the claimant or slave-owner to prove, before a competent magistrate, that the fugitive was his slave according to the laws of the state from whence he came. If satisfactory proof was furnished, the magistrate remanded the fugitive to slavery.

This law awakened very little opposition at the North, and was quietly submitted to. The Constitution required a fugitive slave law, and the one enacted was as unexceptionable as a law meeting the requirements of the Constitution ⚫ould be.

It is said that a Vermont judge required evidence from a slave-holder which he was unable to furnish. A slave was caught by his master in Vermont, and brought before the judge, full proof was offered of the fact that the fugitive was the slave of the man who claimed him. The claimant waited for the decision of the judge. "I'm not satisfied," said the judge, "that you own that man."

The slave-holder stated the points of evidence, and asked if they had not been substantiated. "Yes," said the judge, "your points are made out, but I'm not satisfied that you own that man."

"What will satisfy your honor?" asked the slave-holder. "A bill of sale from Almighty God!" said the judge.

The agitation of the slavery question by the friends of emancipation caused the enactment of a new and much more stringent fugitive slave law. The enactment was made during Mr. Fillmore's administration. It authorized the slave-catcher to call on any citizen to assist him in eatching his slave, and a refusal subjected the citizen to fine and imprisonment. This law tended to increase the opposition to slavery at the North, and to hasten the events that put an end to it. The thirteenth amendment to the Constitution declares, "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction."

XIII.

The first Congress under the Constitution met in New York, May, 1779. Madison was a member of the House of Representatives. The most important measures which occupied the attention of Congress were proposed by Mr. Hamilton, as Secretary of the Treasury. His first efforts were for the restoration of the public credit. Certificates of indebtedness on the part of the United States had been sold for two and sixpence on the pound. Hamilton proposed to pay the face value of all outstanding evidences of the debt of the United States. Great opposition to this was made by many members of Congress, but Hamilton's views prevailed. The next question was, to whom should the debt be paid? The holder of the certificate paid perhaps two and sixpence on the pound. It was thought that he ought not to receive twenty chillings for what he paid only two and sixpence. It was proposed that the holder should be paid what it cost him, and that the remainder should be paid to the original holder-the person to whom it was issued. This was found to be impracticable. In many cases the certifi

[ocr errors]

cates had passed through many hands at varying prices. It was finally ordered that holders of the certificates, corresponding to what we call bonds, should be paid in full, principal and interest. It is quite probable that some persons, foreseeing what would come to pass, bought up the certificates at low prices and thus made fortunes.

The next measure of Hamilton was in relation to the state debts. The United States were in debt, and each of the states was in debt for expenses connected with the War of Independence. A law assuming the state debts by the United States was passed. These measures established the credit of the United States and of the several states.

The next financial measure of Hamilton was the establishing by Congress of a national bank. The bank was chartered with a capital of $10,000,000. Its opposers in Congress questioned the constitutionality of the act. When the bill was laid before Washington, he required the opinion of his Cabinet in writing, as the Constitution authorized him to do. Hamilton and Knox gave their advice in favor of the bill, Jefferson and Randolph against it. Washington gave it his signature and it became a law.

The charter expired by limitation during Madison's administration. A bill chartering a new bank was passed by Congress, and vetoed by Mr. Madison. A few years later a new bank was chartered and received his signature. The new bank had a much larger capital than the old one, and had branches in every important city in the Union. Its charter expired during Jackson's administration. Great efforts were made to renew the charter, and bills for that purpose were passed by both houses of Congress. They were vetoed by President Jackson. Speeches for and against the constitutionality of a national bank were made by the most eminent statesmen of the nation. The question has been before the Supreme Court and decided in the affirmative.

When the question with respect to the adoption of the Constitution was before the people, the friends of the Con-stitution were called Federalists, and the opposers of the Constitution were called anti-federalists. A number of the anti-Federalists were elected members of the first Congress, and opposed the measures of Hamilton.

During the first Congress, though the friends of Hamilton and Jefferson were generally opposed to one another, yet two parties could not be said to exist. When subsequently an opposition to Washington's administration was formed under the lead of Jefferson, the opposition took the name of Democrats, while the friends of the administration retained the name of Federalists.

xiv.

A nation is composed of individuals. Each individual is a moral being, and subject to the law of rectitude. Hence a nation is subject to the law of rectitude.

The intercourse of nations must be regulated by certain rules. The rules which regulate the intercourse of nations constitute international law. That law should consist of rules prescribe 1 by justice. It does consist of rules which have received the assent of all the nations of Christendom. The usages with respect to national intercourse recognized by all Christian nations form what is termed the Law of Nations, or International Law. They are supported by the public sentiment of nations. There is no international tribunal for adjudicating cases arising under international law. Each nation must judge for itself with respect to violations of that law; the remedy in case of violation is war.

International law regards all nations as equal with respect to rights, whatever may be their differences in extent of territory, power, cultivation, or form of government. Each nation is regarded as independent of all other nations. No other nation has a right to interfere with its domestic concerns so long as its action does not injuriously affect other

nations. This is called the doctrine of non-intervention. One nation is not to judge as to the legitimacy of the gov ernment of another nation. It is bound to recognize the existing government as for the time being the lawful government, no matter by what means it came into power.

A nation has exclusive jurisdiction over all its territory, including the rivers and lakes lying wholly within it, and the adjoining sea to the extent of a marine league from the shore.

The open sea is the common property of all nations. Each nation has exclusive jurisdiction over its vessels on the high

seas.

When a river separates two countries, the dividing line runs along the center of the channel. Both nations have the right to navigate its waters.

Foreigners resident in a country are subject to its laws. They can claim protection and justice, though they are not entitled to all the privileges of citizens. If oppressed, the country to which they owe allegiance may demand and secure redress.

A state of war renders all trading between the citizens of the nations at war unlawful.

In case of an invasion, private persons making no resistance are not to be molested, and private property is not to be confiscated. This recognized principle of international law has been often violated.

An enemy's property at sea is liable to capture and confiscation. It may be captured by national ships of war, or by private vessels commissioned by the government. These are called privateers. When a privateer has made a capture, it must be condemned, that is, declared to be a lawful capture before it becomes the property of the captor. Privateering, though authorized by international law, is liable to great abuse.

Neutral nations may carry on their ordinary commerce unmolested, with the exception that they must not deal in articles contraband of war. All warlike stores and articles directly auxiliary to warlike purposes are contraband.

Neutrals must not trade with blockaded ports. An attempt to do so subjects the vessel and cargo to confiscation. A port is blockaded when an adequate force is stationed near it. Neutral vessels in port when the blockade is declared, are allowed to depart with goods previously purchased.

Ambassadors are not subject to the jurisdiction of the country to which they are sent. This immunity is necessary to their complete independence. If an ambassador abuses his privileges the government may demand his recall, or may require him to leave the country.

Some specimens of the provisions made for the regulation of national intercourse have thus been given. As nations make progress in civilization and moral culture, the rules of national intercourse will be more accurately conformed to the dictates of justice.*

[End of Required Reading for March.]

* See Science of Government, p. 220.

INFLUENCE.

But ah! earth will not be the same
As tho' our paths had never lain
Within its narrow bounds!

For earth still feels the power of those
Now silent in their sweet repose,

Beneath the daisied mounds.

And it remains for us to say,
If good, or evil, shall have sway
When we shall be no more.
For whatsoever wave is set
To moving, in Life's ocean, yet
Will surely reach the shore.

THE NEW EDUCATIONS.

The old educations have been many. The Jews taught their children trades and the law. The Greeks first sought to develop strength, then beauty of body, then beauty of mind by the study of poetry. The Romans begun where the Greeks did; paused a briefer time in the physical sphere, and more generally cultivated their youth by eloquence and poetry. A decade of centuries later men were seeking physical mastery again by means of horses, lances and an impenetrable fort of steel built around each individual. Half a decade of centuries later and the nations are at Euclid, Homer, Virgil, Horace and the orators again. Are we to make the same round with the same dismal end as a finality? All the civilizations have begun by development of physical strength, have continued through elegance, and ended in effeminacy trodden down and supplanted by some barbaric strength.

We have been going on the same road. The influence of our schools has been against labor that God saw was the best training for the race; their natural product has been clerks, drummers, bookkeepers and office-seekers. If a boy trained in the public schools should desire to become a workman with his hands, or a girl show an anxiety to understand the chemistry that changes crude material into best human food, or what to do if her brother should burn his hand, or her mother falter for a day from her place at the head of the household, they would be regarded as anomalies over which the schools had no power.

It is one of the most hopeful signs of our times that we are trying with fair success to shun the mistakes of the buried nations, and to acquire physical training without being sent back to the primary school of barbarism. Barbarism is not training of physical powers, but only coming into a condition of strength which may be trained. The training at present has two objects in view; first for the exercises of handicraft, and second for mere development. It recognized that man is a two-fold being, with parts so delicately related that both must co-operate for highest results. Hence there can not be the best mental success without excellent physical ability.

This kind of training in Europe has almost exclusively had reference to the first of these ends, viz: The learning of trades. It is a little singular that far-off Russia should have led the world in the matter of trade schools. The results of their education has astonished the nations at international expositions. These schools now pervade civilization. Belgium has schools for weaving; France for silks and laces; Switzerland, for watches and toys; Bohemia, for glassmaking, and Austria, twenty-eight for weaving, three for lace making, and over forty others for various industries; of course, the pupils are taught related branches-drawing, geometry, physics, singing, etc.

In America, also, the efforts to develop men more symmetrically by manual education have taken the two-fold direction alluded to. But the education for trades has been nearly confined to reform schools and houses of refuge, while other schools seek instruction rather than construction; seek development of mind by means of the hand. Any student of the universe as a means of development, as the primary school for the larger and eternal life that is to follow, must be impressed that that development must come from a close examination of things. Every tree, flower, bit of rock, soil, breath of air or gleam of light is an unsolved mystery. The fact that the whole race has been set to labor is significant. It means that men should be brought into actual contact with things, and that there are lessons enough in these daily contacts of the humblest laborer to last him for this life time.

The close observer finds more surprises at the greatness of

« PredošláPokračovať »