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ceeded in enrolling and drilling 5,000 men. But before he could lead them against the foe the fatal armistice was signed, and Garibaldi, hearing that his newly formed legion was to be disarmed, marched off to Bergamo, sending messengers to other revolutionary leaders to join him, to consider the armistice null and void, and to make war on their own account.

few and to the purpose; whose voice rang clarion-like over the vastest battle field. From the moment when General Oudinot, violating the amnesty, fraudulently occupied Mount Mario and took possession of Villa Pamfili, to the hour when the French entered the gate of San Pancrazio, day and night Garibaldi lived in the camp. At Villa Pamfili three hundred and thirty-six wounded, one hundred and ten dead, fell around him. On the 14th and 15th of June the battle field was a vast cemetery, but the spirit of the dead had passed into the living. When all hope was at an end Garibaldi himself was not able to recall his officers from their posts of useless slaughter. One has but to visit the ruins of the Vascello which Medici defended until not one stone was left upon another, to understand the desperate country passion that inspired him. When ordered to reënter Rome each company demanded "to fire one more shot," and on June 30 fell Emilio Morosini, Signorini, Bindi, Verzelli, even as the poet soldier Mameli, Daverio, Dandolo, Scarani, Scarcele, names beloved in Italy, had fallen on the former days.

Mazzini joined the legion at Bergamo and was acclaimed standard bearer of the flag on which was inscribed the motto of Young Italy, "God and the People." But the legionaries, discouraged or not caring to share the hardships of a partisan war, deserted in numbers. Only seven hundred remained; yet still Garibaldi determined to lead them against the Austrians. On the 12th of August, in a fiery proclamation, he denounced Charles Albert as a traitor and called on all Italians to make common cause against native and foreign foes. Capturing two steamers on Lake Como he embarked his troops, and, arriving at Luino, being attacked by the Austrians he led out four hundred of his best volunteers against fifteen hundred of the enemy. Then, bringing up the remainder and ordering a bayonet attack, he defeated and pursued the Austrians to Arona. With this skirmish began and ended Garibaldi's Lombard campaign in 1848. Finding it impossible to resist longer, with five hundred men he fought his way through five thousand Austrians to Switzerland, disbanded his troops and went to Pied-loop-holes along the walls and houses on the left of the mont, and after various adventures arrived at Ravenna, there| organized a column of volunteers, and finally arrived at Rome, and on the 9th of February, 1849, was the first to proclaim the Roman Republic, which at two o'clock in the morning was solemnly promulgated from the capitol by Mazzini, who, with Saffi and Armellini, was named triumvirate.

FIERCENESS OF THE STRUGGLE.

Another red letter day in Garibaldi's memory was the 30th of April, when the French, who had vaunted that "les Italiens ne se battent pas," were repulsed with heavy lossso heavy that it was no longer a question whether General Oudinot should enter Rome, but whether he or any of his soldiers would be able to regain Civita Vecchia. Had Garibaldi been allowed to follow his own devices very few assuredly would have succeeded in reaching their vessel, but the triumvirate, hoping in the democratic party of France, decided merely to defend their capitol, not to exasperate French pride by an ignominious defeat. Garibaldi was recalled, and from that hour dated the breach between the two great patriots, which later differences and the "whispering tongues that poison truth," but widened and deepened so that in death they are still divided. Even now, after the miracles of 1860, the history of the siege of Rome, as recorded by hostile writers and recounted by eyewitnesses and actors, has in it elements of valor and reckless heroism which vie with the bravest story of Sparta, Greece and ancient Rome. From the 3d of June to the 30th intervened twenty-six days of increasing, ferocious, hopeless struggle. Forty thousand French soldiers against nine thousand raw recruits! Austria victorious in the provinces, Bomba revelling in vengeance, Piedmont defeated, Lombardy reënslaved. Hope there was none: only the certainty that "Italy would live when Italians knew how to die" remained, and that sufficed. The aspect of the legionaries was in itself fantastic. Dressed in red shirts and gray trousers, with a scarf around their waists, brigand hats and plumes, vaulting into their saddles with the ease of men who had ridden barebacked all their lives, or running at lightning speed at a word or glance from their chief, the remnants of San Antonio soon drilled and disciplined the youths, many of them mere lads, who flocked round the fair-haired, lion-faced hero, whose face women pronounced 'angelic" and Frenchmen "diabolical;" whose words were

But this useless slaughter could not be permitted longer. The Assembly summoned Garibaldi, haggard, dripping with blood-the blood of his faithful negro Aguilan, killed an hour before-and asked his advice. "Abandon the Trastevere; burn the houses that hinder our aim; open

Tiber; fortify Castle St. Angelo; arm the people and await the assault. Thus, amid her smoking ruins, we shall save the honor of Rome." His advice rejected, he refused even to listen to the terms of capitulation, and observing that there was "Venice yet left to die in," quitted Rome with four thousand infantry, three hundred horsemen, his faithful wife-just on the eve of her confinement--Ugo Bassi and Angelo Brunette, surnamed Ciceruacchio, with his two young sons. After a month of marching, counter-marching, hunger, danger and fatigue, with but two hundred of his followers and Anita, during the nights of July 31 and August 1 Garibaldi succeeded in embarking his force in thirteen fishing-boats at Cesenatico. He hoped thus to reach Venice. Three Austrians steamers discovered them. Garibaldi dispersed his little fleet, bidding the captain of each boat save his crew. He, with Anita, Captain Leggero, Ugo Bassi and Ciceruacchio gained the pine forests of Ravenna, wandered there throughout three days and nights, hidden by peasants, even by the coast-guards and police, till they reached the cottage of one of the peasants of Marquis Guiccioli. Here Anita fainted-she who had never uttered a lament. Garibaldi carried her in his arms and laid her on the peasant's bed, where, with one murmured wail, "Menotti, Teresita, Riciotti," she smiled into his eyes and died.

Another weary month of wandering. When Garibaldi reached Genoa the Piedmontese government detained him till, moved by a vote of censure from the opposition members of the Chamber, they allowed him to visit his old mother and children at Nice, whence, alone for the first time in ten eventful years, he started for Tunis, Gibraltar, and, finally, for New York, where he supported himself by working in a tallow chandler's shop, and then, starting for Lima, voyaged to China and returned to Italy in 1854. THE CAMPAIGN OF 1859.

Here he found parties and politics greatly changed. The hopes of the majority of Italians were now centered in Victor Emmanuel, who had at least maintained the constitution, which all other Italian princes had violated, and whose army might form the nucleus for a greater Italian army. Garibaldi accepted the vice-presidency of the Na tional Italian Society, of which Cavour was the inspirer, and Pallavicino La Farina and Mamie the chief agents. With intense satisfaction he watched the little Piedmon

tese army gaining its spurs in the Crimea, and when called by the government, in 1859, to form a volunteer corps to act with the allied armies, he obeyed with glad alacrity, and the followers of Mazzini who refused to enlist, not because of the monarchical flag, but because they would not ally themselves with the murderer of the Roman and French republics, alone excepted, all his old officers and soldiers and the flower of the young generation flocked to his standard. Before they could reach the general of their heart they were, for the most part, drafted off into the regular corps. "You gave me the cripples and hunchbacks," said Garibaldi to Cavour on their memorable field day in the House, but with these the "Red Devil," as the Austrians surnamed him, wrought wonders. Up to the 3d of May he had worn his usual costume, but on that day, receiving news that the Austrians were advancing, he donned his Piedmontese uniform. The képi worried him considerably. Finally he stuffed it into his saddle bag and covered his head with his bandana colored silk handkerchief as usual.

He was the first to cross the Ticino and the fst to cross fire with the Austrians on the 8th of May near he village of Pontestura. At his approach the people of Varese rose, disarmed the Austrian garrison and proclaimed the dictatorship of Victor Emanuel. General Urban, attacking him at Como with cavalry, artillery and five thousand infantry, was beaten, routed and pursued to Malnate, with heavy loss in dead, wounded, prisoners and two cannon. Following up his advantage, Garibaldi entered Como at one side, the Austrians fleeing at the other. Thus, with three thousand volunteers, eight thousand of Austria's best soldiers were defeated. From Como to Bergamo, Brescia, Tre Ponte and Salo, back to Bergamo, Lecco, then into the Tyrol Edolo, Breno, Treo, Vestone, in less than three months the volunteers marched over nine hundred miles, with one slight check at Laveno, victorious always until the peace of Villafranca suddenly cut short the triumphal march.

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Bertani, the indefatigable, miraculous organizer of the expeditions of 1860, after expressing his "mortification" for reproaches addressed to him, he said:

Under Cavour I scarcely know how the affair of the subscription (for the million muskets) will go. I do not doubt that at this moment they are studying every means to get them out of our hands. I have sent Colonel to the king, but I hope little. We shall see. In any case, you can assure our friends of Southern Italy that I am always at their service when they are seriously resolved to act, and that if I have arms these also will be at their service if they intend to put them to a profitable use. From your letter I see that the desire to act an act well exists, and I, God knows, am as anxious as any one to shoulder a weapon once more. Tramo lo sa Dio come chiunque di menare le mani una colta ancore.

"ITALY AND VICTOR EMMANUAL."

The negotiations went on for the first three months of 1860. Rosalino Pilo on the 24th of February informed Garibaldi that the Sicilians were ready, that Mazzini made no question of the republic. Garibaldi's reply is characteristic and important as an answer to those who accuse him of enlisting under the republican flag, and when at Talamone changing to the monarchical. It reads: "Caro Rosalino-When you receive this come to an understanding with Bertani and the Direction at Milan to obtain as many arms and means of action as possible. In case of action remember that the programme is Italy and Victor Emmanuel." He added that the moment did not seem opportune for action, and that nothing ought to be attempted without reasonable prospects of success. Bertani, Crepi and Bixio wrestled with Garibaldi, who had left Caprera for the Continent. He, knowing the immense loss of prestige which his failures would engender, keeping to his belief that there is a time to be prudent as well as a time to dare, insisted on waiting for precise news from Sicily. On the 26th of April came a telegram that confirmed him in his resolution, thus: "Total failure in city of Palermo and provinces." Later came brighter news. Bertani, Crepi and Bixio went to him once more. "Very well," he answered, "we will go, and go at once." A thousand volunteers were gathered on the shore of Quarto. Rubattino, the patriotic prince of Italian ship-owners, shut his eyes while the "corsairs" seized two of his best steamers, the Piedmonte and the Lombardo. Garibaldi landed about a hundred men with Zambianchi, with orders to invade the Papal States. As the Sicilian insurrection succeeded, it is now said that this microscopic expedition was meant to divert the attention of the government from the South. Had the Sicilian revolution failed, it was believed that Garibaldi would have flung himself into the Papal States. In any case, he thought it wise to have two strings to his bow. But he succeeded in landing at Marsala without firing a shot. "Veni, vidi, vici,” was the summary of his five months' campaign. Now as it is shown that Garibaldi did not initiate the Sicilian revolution, it is believed that but for his timely arrival it would have been suffocated. Rosalino, encamped round Palermo, fell with a bullet through his brain while marching to meet Garibaldi: Cinimeria, Ventimiglia, Mezzondo, Carione and Misilmeri were invaded by armed bands, but it was not until after the battle of Calatapini that the Bourbon troops felt that a mightier than "Bomba" was among them. Garibaldi sought out Calatapini as the bloodiest and most dar

On the 11th of August Garibaldi and his officers resigned. On the 15th he had a private interview with the king at Bergamo, and consented to command a portion of the troops of Central Italy not yet annexed to Piedmont. His object was to carry the revolution into the States of the Church or to second a movement in Sicily and Naples. In this project the Dictator of Parma and Modena, Signor Farini, was d'accord. Indeed, he gave money for the purpose, but the Governor of the Romagna, Cepriani, a Bonapartist, opposed the scheme. The king, fearing that the Emperor of France would intervene and prevent the annexation of Tuscany, Parma, Modena and the Romagna, recalled Garibaldi just as he was about to cross the Rubicon. In high dudgeon he threw up his command, and, when all hopes of a revolution in the south of Italy were at an end, returned to Caprera. Garibaldi's friends were not satisfied with his abrupt withdrawal, but-and it is necessary to insist on this fact to understand the man's work and character-Garibaldi never counselled a special insurrection at a special time. When the king said, "Enroll volunteers to fight against Austria," he enrolled them; even as in 1849 we have seen him offer his services first to the Pope, then to Charles Albert, then skirmish on his own account, then head the forces of the Roman Republic against France and the Bourbon, then don the Piedmontese uniform, then standing of the feats of his "red shirts." The Bourbons manned to his guns in the center till further insistance would have engendered civil war, for had he crossed the Rubicon, General Fauti would have of necessity disarmed him. Even so, when entreated by his friends to put himself at the head of a revolutionary movement, he replied invariably, "Prepare, show me a reasonable chance and I am with you; but remember that the days for failure are past. An abortive revolution would now retard Italy for years." And in a private letter dated Fino, January 24, 1860, addressed to Dr.

the heights, resolute to block the path of the invaders. Garibaldi from his watch-tower counted their numbers, and saw at a glance that eight successive positions must be taken at the bayonet's point. Eight hundred volunteers against four thousand Bourbons! So impossible seemed victory that Bixio, a brave of braves, whispered to Garibaldi in the foremost ranks, "I fear retreat is inevitable.” "Retreat?" and Bixio never forgot the look that accompanied the words, "Here we win or die!" One, two, three, five po

sitions were taken, the volunteers slipping over the blood and bodies of their companions in the onward, upward struggle. Then the clarion voice rang out: "One more for Italy! One more together! To the bayonet!" "To the bayonet! Viva l'Italia! viva Garibaldi!" The sixth and seventh terrace carried; two little cannon secured at Orbetello come into play and complete the disorder of the enemy, literally stupefied by such audacity. They begin to waver, to retreat, to carry off their guns? No! The "red shirts," fired with vengeance for the terrible losses sustained, and flushed with victory, resolve to secure a trophy; rush upon the cannon, seize it, bayonet the defenders, who turn and flee, and receive from the inhabitants of Partinico and Montelepee parting salutations. Still, while defeat would have been fatal to the volunteers, they could not rest on their arms. Then came twenty-five thousand soldiers into Palermo, and Palermo had to be taken. Not a word spoke the Duce dei Mille to son or friend. "March! march! march!" through scorching sun-rays, and some days torrents of rain. On the 17th, 18th, 19th of May Passo di Renna is reached. The enemy-Garibaldi's own staff-believed that Momedi was the objective point. Troops are sent out of Palermo to surround the volunteer camp. Garibaldi sends all his artillery and heavy baggage to Coillom, and in the twinkling of an eye marches himself on Palermo. The Admiral's bridge is defended hotly; the "surprise" is hindered by the shouting of the Picciotti. Precisely the last were first and the first last, for the order of battle was not kept at all. But Palermo is entered; Garibaldi and his handful of braves bivouac in the streets of the city garrisoned by twenty thousand men with twenty guns. Vainly the enemy parleys, protests, seeks to gain time. "Go, and make haste about it," was Garibaldi's reply; and the enemy went; showed once more fair fight at Milazzo.

That battle gained, Garibaldi turned his thoughts toward Naples.

ON TO NAPLES.

Negotiations were still going on between the Neapolitan and Piedmontese courts, and the king, in an autograph letter, begged Garibaldi not to cross the straits, and precise orders were given to Persano, admiral of the fleet, to afford him no help in case of defeat. But there were no Italian troops arrayed under the tricolor flag who could enforce the prayer-no civil war to be feared, as in Central Italy in 1859 and later in Naples itself. Garibaldi did not hesitate; he concentrated all his available troops at Messina, sent over a band of chosen pioneers, followed quickly, gave battle to the Bourbons at Reggio and granted them an honorable capitulation at San Giovanni and Souvrier. Then he left in an open carriage. The Bourbon troops dispersed "like sna' wreaths in thaw;" Garibaldi entered Naples with seven of his officers, with the cannon of San Elmo pointed at the city and the Bourbon troops in occupation. The 7th of September, 1860, must remain a never-to-be-forgotten day for those who witnessed the wild, exulting joy of the liberated. Their cry that rose above the "Viva Garibaldi!'' was "Viva l'Italie! Una! Una! Una!" When, late in the evening, an officer went out on the balcony of the Nigra Palace to say that Garibaldi was weary and would sleep, a hush fell on the mighty crowd. One whispered to the other, "Do padre dorme" (the father sleeps), and lifting up their forefingers in token of Italy, One! One! One! the Neapolitans slept their first bright hours of liberty. Clamors for immediate annexation of Sicily arose then at Naples, and Garibaldi more than once had to leave the camp for Palermo or Naples in order to restore peace between the conflicting parties. He never for a moment dreamed of hindering the annexation, only he wished to expel the Bourbon entirely and be free to march or sail to Rome without compromising the Italian government with foreign courts. The Bourbon

had still 50,000 men under arms and the two strong fortresses of Capua and Gaeta, and determined to give battle to Garibaldi on the Volturno. It is almost impossible to give the faintest idea of the battle of the 1st of October. The Neapolitans had 45,000 troops and sixty pieces of cannon. The young king had come from Gaeta in person. Garibaldi had about twenty thousand volunteers. On that day not a single Piedmontese had arrived, and among his own generals were those who wished the royal troops to take part in the final struggle. The Neapolitans gave him no option. At five a. m. his positions were attacked along the line, Milbetz at Santa Maria, Medici at Situgelo, Bixio at Maddaloni— which position, if lost, cut the Garibaldians off from the city of Naples. In the first attacks the Neapolitans were victorious. Garibaldi's carriage was surrounded; his horses wounded; he himself sprang down into one of the deep ditches that run parallel with the river and reappeared in the midst of Media's hardly beset troops. The enemy repulsed there he arrived on horseback at Santa Maria, sent word to Bixio, who asked for reinforcements, that he must shift for himself. Calm, but pale, at three p. m. he was standing with his glass fixed on the road leading from Caserta, whence the last reserves were expected. He had tasted no food that day and smiled as his people offered him some bread, figs and water. Just as he had taken a mouthful, crash came musket balls around him, while a bomb exploded at his feet. "The day is ours," he said as the Milanese brigade came rushing up. Then for a couple of hours the battle raged in deadly earnest, Garibaldi always in the foremost fight. That day he seemed to possess the double gift of omniscience and of omnipresence. It was his last field day before the battle of Aspromonte rendered it impossible for him evermore to practise his favorite maxim, "Chi vuole va, chi non vuole manda" (Who wills goes, who wills not sends). At five p. m. he telegraphed laconically to the king, "Victory along all the line." On the morrow of the great victory Garibaldi made a number of Neapolitan prisoners, and in this the Fourth battalion of Bersagliere assisted, or rather were present. On the preceding day not a single soldier wearing the king's uniform either witnessed or took part in the action. The Piedmontese troops who had beaten Lamoriciere and freed Umbria and the Marches, now entered Rome with the king, with the explicit object of preventing Garibaldi from carrying his victories further. He had but one alternative-to array volunteers against the regular army or to withdraw. He adopted the latter. He had handed over the Neapolitan fleet to the king on his entrance into Naples, now he summoned the plebescito, and when the populations had voted in favor of annexation he consigned the southern province formally to Victor Emmanuel.

In England he was welcomed as Wellington himself was not welcomed, but with fear and trembling by the government. After his return to Caprera he kept quiet until the war of 1866, when, shut up in the fastnesses of the Tyrol, to be kept out of the way while Venice was being bargained for rather than fought for, he could do no more than make his volunteers fire up at the sharpshooters with their wretched flint-locks, while the sharpshooters fired down on them with their far-reaching, unerring rifles. In the spring of 1867 he went over to the Continent and made a sort of electoral tour throughout the Venetian provinces, but the Venetians were yet in their honeymoon, and with one exception sent up government members. His object was to arouse the enthusiasm of the provinces, so recently freed, for Rome still enslaved. In September he appeared at Geneva at the Peace Congress, where he dwelt especially on the seventh resolution of the peacemakers:-"Slaves alone have a right to make war on tyrants"-then resolutely set his face Romeward. His stanchest friends and officers were

opposed to an attempt on Rome. The Ratazzian government still shilly-shallied; allowed him to cross the frontier, then arrested him and confined him in the fortress of Alessandria, then allowed him to return to Caprera and there blockaded him. He would not believe that the affair was serious until on attempting to go on board the mail steamer to return to the Continent, the Italian man-of-war Zesia fired into his boat, took him on board and landed him on his island prison.

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against Bourbaki. Hence there was always the consoling reflection that "there were plenty more behind."

HIS GENIUS IN THE FIELD.

From the first hour of the combat Garibaldi, who in person had previously studied the ground, so that he knew every knoll and ditch and vineyard, directed every movement in person-in a carriage, on horseback, or on foot. He posted the guns, distributed his scanty troops, "went," nor delegated his authority to any. The honor of the first day be

by Canzio, his son-in-law, and under them by Tanara and other officers wounded at Mentana. Of Tanara's legion alone eight officers were killed, seven wounded, with two hundred non-commissioned officers and soldiers. General Bassak, the brave Pole who had answered "Present" to liberty's every roll-call, was killed on that day. So Imbriani, Cavalotti, Perla-beloved names in Italy-and hundreds of heroes rest in nameless graves in the cemetery of Dijon, or in forgotten heaps their bones are whitening in the vineyards where they fell. Garibaldi's reports are laconic as ever. The first runs thus: "The enemy, vigorously attacked, was obliged to retreat after twelve hours' hard fighting. The army of the Vosges has once more deserved well of the republic."

The details of his escape are wonderful. From the Con- longs exclusively to Italians, commanded by Menotti and tinent a boat went up to release him, manned by his son-in-❘ law and a young Sardinian. It was absent for fifteen days. At length it returned with its precious freight. Garibaldi, | warned of its approach, fixed a rendezvous, left Caprera in a beccacino-literally a snipe, in fact, a toy boat, utterly unfit for the high seas, but between rocks and water only a few inches deep he paddled it to the Maddelena, remained concealed twenty-four hours, crossed the island on horseback, slept in a cave, rode again for seventeen consecutive hours, then joined his rescuers and arrived safely in Florence, while the commanders of the seven men-of-war stationed at Caprera reported daily that he was sulking in the prisonhouse. It had been agreed that no expeditions to Rome should take place till the Romans should bestir themselves and commence their own revolution. But Garibaldi's arrest made them wary and irresolute. The insurrection, partial and unsuccessful, cost precious blood. Garibaldi, who had crossed the frontier at Passo Corere, pushed on to Monterotondo, defeated the garrison on the 25th of October, and on the 4th of November was defeated by the French at Mentana; or, to speak more correctly by the Papal troops assisted by the French, who, considering the invasion of the States of the Church, even by volunteers, a violation of the convention of September, had landed at Civita Vecchia. On recrossing the frontier Garibaldi was arrested by the royal troops, once more sent to Alessandria and again allowed to embark for Caprera.

THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR.

Second day: "The enemy has again been compelled to retreat, pursued by our brave franctireurs.”

Third day: "The enemy repulsed for the third time. We have taken the flag of the Sixty-first regiment."

That flag, the only Prussian flag lost during the campaign, was taken from the dead hand of the standard-bearer, who lay under a heap of slain, and handed by Ricciotti Garibaldi to his father at the moment. It was still in the general's room when he penned the telegram. But that the armistice followed so closely on the three days' victory there is little doubt that the Prussians would have taken their revenge, for the loss was a bitter one. General Kettles a few days afterward heard the exact truth. It seemed a relief, but he added a moment afterward, "Still, it is lost, all the same." As, however, there seemed no immediate intention of attack, Garibaldi turned his attention to Dôle, which the Prussians had taken from the French, and which he knew was essential to Bourbaki's retreat, and on the 28th the Garibaldian colonel, Bagbino, with eight hundred men, took Mont Rolland, an important position above Dôle, from the Prussians.

On the 29th came the news of the armistice.

Garibaldi, so far from relaxing discipline, had turned every moment to account to organize his little army. The Garibaldians under Colonel Lobbia were the last to exchange shots with the Prussians, for, unaware of the armistice, they continued to make brilliant sorties from Laugres. Suddenly at

Here he remained quietly until the news of the defeat of imperial France at Sedan reached him. Then, to the astonishment of Italy and the world, he offered "all that remained of himself" to an invaded people struggling against the invaders. This time few of his old officers, none of the vieux-gardes, accompanied him. They could not bring themselves to fight side by side with the soldiers of the Chassepot. Moreover, the court and imperialist party expected, the Italians heartily desired, success to PrussiaPrussia who had freed Venice, nor asked for provinces or pay; Prussia who had the power so far to cripple France as to prevent her, as an empire, a monarchy or a republic, from meddling in her neighbors' affairs, from further delay-midday on the 2d, just as Garibaldi had completed a busiing the completion of "one Italy, with Rome for its capital." Still the cream of the rank and file responded to the voice that is ever raised for the oppressed. And in what stern discipline Garibaldi, so lenient to the French under his command, "kept his own!" A murmur or complaint and back he sent them across the frontier. Once, displeased at a nomination on the staff, his best officers and one of his sons tendered their resignations. "Only cowards resign in the presence of the enemy; this evening the resignations are withdrawn or they all go before court-martial," was Garibaldi's answer. The jealousy of the French generals prevented the government from offering him any position in which his genius could really avail France; but he never once complained. He obeyed orders; defended Lyons on the Doubs, Creuzot at Autun, and, during the three days of Dijon held his own against a Prussian army whose numbers can not be estimated since General Kettles's troops were told off from the immense mass led by Manteufel

ness-like review of Cauyroi's troops, the drum sounded the call to arms. The Garibaldians were attacked at the outposts. It turned out that the departments of the Doubs of the Jura and Côte d'Or were not included in the armistice, a fact communicated by the Prussians, not by the authorities of Bordeaux. So, with as much care and rapidity as the strapping on of a knapsack, every Garibaldian-the wounded protected by the red cross of Geneva alone exceptedmarched out of Dijon, Ricciotti remaining till midnight to carry off the guns, and at dawn General Manteufel and his staff, and a portion of his army, entered and took possession of Dijon.

RESIGNS HIS FRENCH HONORS.

Named deputy for Paris, Nice, and the Côte d'Or, Garibaldi, who saw that peace would be proclaimed, and who felt that his presence would embarrass the negotiations, went to Bordeaux, tendered his resignation as general and deputy, and went to the ministers to plead the cause of the

widows and families of the dead and of the wounded of his army. The right of speech was denied him. He started on the same night for Bordeaux, for Caprera on the morrow, and there, tending his flocks and herds, cultivating his vines and maize fields, and cheered by the presence of his young family, writing his novel of the "Thousand," which, with all due respect to the writer, might better never have been published, and containing his autobiography, which is quite another thing from his novels, being a terse, detailed, and veracious narrative of the facts of his eventful life, he spent the years of 1871, 1872, 1873 and 1874, then, being elected deputy for the first college of Rome, he went to the Italian capital to try and realize his long-cherished project of protecting Rome from inundation and for restoring to agriculture the waste lands of the Roman Campagna.

THE GENERAL'S LATTER DAYS.

day his actions are scarcely of sufficient moment to call for any special notice. He attended the commemoration of the Sicilian Vespers last March, and even then he was almost a corpse. It was a pitiable spectacle that of the old hero being dragged about as a show through the streets, and it was perhaps done more to gratify the vanity of his family than to do honor to Garibaldi.

Had Garibaldi not been summoned by the needs of his country to devote his life to the sword, the spade and the plowshare would have been his favorite instruments. One .can fancy him a great colonizer, as he assuredly was a wise and successful agriculturist. One has but to remember the barren, rocky desert of Caprera, when he purchased a portion of it in 1856, with a small sum of money left him by his brother, Felix, and compare its present flourishing and productive condition, to confess that this assertion is true. Add to this predilection his love for Rome, which ever since his boyhood and his first visit was an ever increasing passion; his often expressed regret that Italians should be compelled to emigrate to foreign countries, with such acres and acres of waste but redeemable lands at home, and we have the key to what to some people seemed his "new hobby," but which was instead but the manifestation, as the time he deemed most fitting for success, of one of the favorite dreams of a lifetime-the reclamation of waste lands and the navigation of the Tiber.

C. L. S. C. NOTES AND LETTERS.

On Friday evening, May 26th, the Oswego, New York, C. L. S. C. gave an art entertainment at the residence of Mrs. H. Taylor, No. 108 East Third Street.

lightful books."

General Garibaldi did not have the felicity of an old age of honor and repose. He was easily influenced by those around him, and communists and infidels eagerly seized every opportunity of making use of his name in agitations against government, human and divine. One bright period in his history has been briefly alluded to above. It was when he presented himself at Rome to take his seat as deputy. The people of the Eternal City went mad over their idol. When he reached the capital the bystanders who had not seen him for years were struck with sympathy at his appearance. He was crippled with gout and rheumatism, and his aspect was that of a confirmed invalid. His son Menotti was obliged to assist his progress, and he was also sustained by crutches. He took his seat and swore allegiance to his king. On January 14, 1880, arrived good news at Caprera. The Court of Appeal at Rome had annulled the sentence of the Civil Tribunal at Turin; the marriage of Giuseppe Garibaldi and Giuseppina Raymondi A member of the class of 1885 writes: "How thankful I was declared null and void on grounds that an Austrian am for the C. L. S. C.! I was obliged to leave school on accould allege but an Italian could not, and for this once Gari- count of failing health before finishing my school educabaldi's inveterate enemies, the Austrians, did him a good tion. I love to study, but, until I heard of the C. L. S. C., I turn, for he had been married at Como before their jurisdic- did not know how to read or what to read. When I heard tion in that town was at an end. The story of his second of this people's college I joined right away, and I have enmarriage is interesting. The somewhat precocious daugh-joyed every minute I have spent in the company of my deter of the Marquis Raymondi admired the warrior while fighting in the Lakes in 1859. The Marquis himself had every reason to wish his daughter to wed; so Giuseppina Raymondi appeared one day in the volunteers' camp with letters which, as she asserted, had been intercepted from the Austrians. Garibaldi received her intelligence thankfully, but without having any sentiments of love kindled in his breast. Next day the father appeared in the camp and explained that his daughter wished to marry the general. Garibaldi, somewhat electrified and taken aback, replied, "Impossible! I never intend to wed again. Since Anita's death my heart has withered; and besides, Signor Marchese, it is impossible that your daughter can feel any attachment for me; she has met me but once." The Marquis then cunningly touched the right chord in Garibaldi's heart. "It is with freedom and Italian unity that my daughter is enamored, and with you as the embodiment of it in Italy." Enough. Garibaldi immediately consented to a union with so high minded a girl, only finding out on the steps of the altar the depths of her treachery and dishonor. On January 24, ten days after the receipt of this intelligence from Rome, Francesca, his nurse, had her trousseau ready, the general donned his best clothes, and sat in his smartest bath-chair, while Theresita and her husband hurried from Genoa to assist at the nuptials. Menotti and his wife, who came from Rome, and a few of the general's oldest friends were invited-such as Fazzari, Froscinanti, Sgarallino-more as witnesses than as guests. Signora Francesca, the General's old nurse, and the mother of Manlio and Clelia, became his lawful wife. Since that eventful

A member of the C. L. S. C. relates the following interesting and encouraging incidents, illustrative of the good results from the influence of Chautauqua and the C. L. S. C.: "Last summer a few old C. L. S. C.'s of us, together with a lady whose whole life was devoted to pleasure, attended the Assembly. Though Chautauqua was not just suited to our friend's tastes, she found some things that interested her. One evening she was induced to attend a prayer meeting of her church held in the office. On her return she said, 'I was so ashamed. Every one could say a word for Jesus but me; even a little girl spoke.' Since she has been greatly changed, and to-day is an earnest worker in the Sunday-school and church, and a devoted member of the C. L. S. C. She often says, "This has been the happiest winter of my life.' Another C. L. S. C., a lawyer, a graduate of a prominent Ohio college, said but recently, 'My studies this winter have proven to me that Christian culture gives the truest and most lasting pleasure.'"

A lady member of the class of 1882 writes from Illinois: "I enjoy THE CHAUTAUQUAN and find plenty of time to read it all. If my health is good I hope to be at Chautauqua to graduate this fall. I think I will be one of your oldest students, as I will be in my seventieth year."

Another lady member of the class of 1882 says: "I have been an invalid, a great sufferer, and I did not expect to live until the present day. During my several years' sick.

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