from a conviction of its necessity, and some from devotion to the party or to General Jackson-which they considered identical ideas.

But a numerical majority barely, though assured beyond a doubt, was not all the administration sought. To be successful in the vote, and yet worsted in the argument, would be a barren victory; a victory, more humiliating and even more fatal, than an honorable defeat. Before the great tribunal of PUBLIC OPINION, the cause was to be argued; and upon its decision, and not upon the votes of complying Congressmen, were the merits of the question, and the honesty, and ability, and future destiny of the actors to be determined. From such decision, there was no appeal; and the friends of the administration, nervously sensitive of the importance of the contest, determined to spare no exertion to gain a favorable verdict. It was, in truth, to them, a life-and-death struggle. Not even the overwhelming popularity of General Jackson conld long have upholden his administration against the stunning effects of hostile OPINION, on this momentous question.

Yet there were of the Democratic party in the Senate, who favored the bill, some of distinguished capacity, of whom was Rives of Virginia, deeply versed in Constitutional law; a logician of much astuteness, an earnest and fluent debater, and of a mind too liberal and too comprehensive, to be restricted to the contemplation solely of isolated abstractions; Dallas of Pennsylvania, whom forensic training and natural talent admirably qualified for controversial argument; Wilkins,

also of Pennsylvania, less eminent than his colleague as a lawyer and statesman, but of no inferior parts; Forsyth of Georgia, possessing qualities of mind as extraordinary in their variety as their several excellence—a wit, ready and polished, that loved to play not wound-an imagination ardent but well regulated a fancy, expressive, glowing, and chaste-a memory tenacious and reliable—and a judgment discriminating, profound and correct; GRUNDY himself, å persuasive speaker, of an imposing presence and conciliatory manner, an admirable tactitian withal, that understood and could regulate the springs of action.

But all the combination of such various talents, powerful as it was, the administration felt deeply would not avail against Mr. Calhoun. He was in himself equal to the whole strength the administration could put forth. He had all his antagonists had, and more; more vigor of thought and energy of expression, a greater variety and depth of acquisition, and more knowledge of the science of government; and, above all these, a power of analysis and combination, which could resolve the most complex ideas into their original elements, and, by the process of generalization, from materials thus reduced to his will, construct one harmonious system of lofty and impregnable truths. He had in fine, genius, while the rest had but talent, however eminent.

In this great crisis of the party and the country, Mr. Grundy felt that it was necessary to seck elsewhere than from his political associates. His eyes were turned where all other

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eyes were turned. There was but one man, the friends of the administration felt, who could rescue the government and the country from the dangers that encompassed and threatened to overwhelm them. And he of all men was the person they had sought most to injure.

From imperative engagements elsewhere, Mr. Webster had been but little time in the Senate during the earlier discussion of the bill, and had taken no part in it. His apparent indifference to its fate added to the apprehensions of the friends of the measure, made them still more anxious to gain his support. Democratic members of both houses hung round his friends, seeking by every argument, promise or entreaty their favorable influence with him-a member of General Jackson's cabinet came to him at his lodgings, and earnestly besought him to take the lead in defence of the measure-to assume the controlling management of it, and to suggest whatever amendments he deemed necessary. It was indeed full time for his appearance. The South Carolinian Hector was pur

suing his enemies to their very last entrenchments, threatening to involve in one common ruin the administration, the Constitution and the country, while Achilles was absent from the battle.

Mr. Webster, like the hero of the Grecian epic, might have listened to his enemies and turned an unheeding ear to the supplications of his late assailants. He might have "fretted his great heart" in silence, safe in his haughty isolation, and left his enemies to perish.

But private griefs, nor any considerations of a private character ever controlled his regard for the public interest; the one has been with him at all times postponed to the other. In the present case, he held the cause of the administration, the cause of the constitution, and of the country-if the former went down on this issue, the constitution and the country would go down with it. He forgot, therefore, the contumelious treatment he had received, forgot the injuries done and intended him, and rallied his whole strength in support of the persons to whom, for the time, the interests of his country were intrusted.

CHAPTER X.

MR. WILKINS of Pennsylvania, who introduced the bill, commenced the debate upon it. He opened the case for the government. His introductory remarks were well conceived. and expressed, moderate in tone, and pertinent. He was not allowed to proceed, however, without interruption. Messrs. Calhoun and Miller of South Carolina, and Poindexter of Mississippi, broke in upon him with interrogatories, explanations, and denials, continually, during the first day of his speech. The second day he got along with less difficulty, though not uninterruptedly; Mr. Calhoun watching every word that fell from him, and gainsaying many. "The moment," said Mr. Wilkins, "we fail to counteract the nullification proceedings of South Carolina, the Union is dissolved; for, in this government of laws, union is obedience, and obedience is union. The moment South Carolina

Mr. Calhoun, interposing-" Who relies upon force in this controversy? I have insisted upon it, that South Carolina relied altogether on civil process, and that, if the general government resorts to force, then only will South Carolina rely