any other foreign investments in Latin-Amer ican countries. Mr. Page simply paraphrased President Wilson's statement in his recent address at Mobile when he declared that government in Latin America by concessionaires would be looked upon unfavorably by the United States, intimating that adventurers who fought their way to temporary power in Latin-American republics solely to get a chance to loot government finances would not be recognized by this country.

This is a very different thing from what is supposed by the London " Standard." Financial scheming by foreign concessionaires has been at the bottom of many a Latin-American revolution, and has in some cases led to the capture of the executive power and the subservience of both the legislature and the judiciary. But to-day there are thousands of foreigners at work in Latin America, representing legitimate investments of millions of money, who are not interfering in the least with the governments of the various countries where they live and in which they are interested.

All America should, and does, welcome such workers and such investigations. They do not interfere with the Monroe Doctrine. Nor does our placing of one of the weakest states, like Nicaragua, on a proper financial basis interfere with that Doctrine; it strengthens it, for it assures to the particular state, to ourselves, and to all foreigners that which every right-thinking man should want to see the administrative, commercial, and territorial independence and stability of the particular state. To maintain the Monroe Doctrine we must see that order is kept in the Latin-American republics, so that their interests, our interests, and the interests of other countries there may be protected.

A CENTRAL AMERICAN PROTECTORATE ? Certain newspapers have jumped at the conclusion that our Government intends to force a protectorate on all Central American countries. This has been denied, first, by the Government itself. It declares that no treaties similar to the proposed Nicaraguan treaty are under consideration or have ever been suggested in connection with any other Central American country. The newspaper assumption has also been repudiated by the Ministers at Washington of those countries supposed to be next to Nicaragua in our proposed absorption "-namely, Honduras and Salvador. The Ministers deny that the State Department has ever placed this idea before them.

In President Wilson's Mobile address he took pains to say what every American echoes that we have no wish to gain an additional foot of territory. In trying to help our weak neighbors we have no thought of territorial gain. Material gain will, it is true, accrue both to them and to us if our help is efficient, but the gain to us is entirely incidental, and has nothing to do with territory.

Nor do we wish, without increasing any territory, to govern other peoples. We have enough problems of that sort on our hands now without getting any more.

There is a far higher and finer help to be given by us than any help connected with land covetousness or political ambition. That help, in the case of Nicaragua, has already been given. It is a strictly moral help.

It

is that of the big neighbor state, which would help the small neighbor state to secure for itself a strong government and hence justice, which would help the small neighbor state to secure for itself a democratic government and hence liberty.

T

HE Southern Colorado coal-fields are located in the vicinity of Trinidad. They are leased and operated by the Rocky Mountain Fuel Company, the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, and the Victor American Fuel Company. Altogether they employ about twenty-five thousand men. These are, for the most part, Greeks, Italians, Slavs, and Mexicans, only nineteen per cent being English-speaking people. Many of these were strike-breakers ten years ago. Until last summer only a small percentage were members of the union, but at that time officers of the United Mine Workers of America came into the district and rapidly organized the camps. Approximately onehalf of the men became affiliated with this organization. The following demands were made of the operators :

First, the right to check-weighmen selected by the miners themselves.

Second, the right to trade at stores other than company stores without molestation. Third, a bi-weekly pay day and the abolition of scrip payment.

Fourth, better working conditions.
Fifth, recognition of the union.

Sixth, ten per cent advance in wages.

Of these the operators claimed that the first and second had never been denied the miners that they were not greatly concerned about the manner of payment; that the fourth demand was of very general character, and is amply covered by statutes which have been obeyed by the companies that number five could not be considered; that they had recently granted a ten per cent advance in wages, and that the Colorado miners were the best paid coal-miners in the country. After more or less fruitless negotiations, a strike was called to take effect September 27.

The operators at once employed guards to protect their property. These men were

nearly all furnished by the Baldwin-Phelts Agency, some of whom had been for years similarly employed in other strikes. Some of the miners had participated in the same strikes; thus old antagonisms were brought into a situation sufficiently delicate without them. Among the twelve thousand miners there would be of course the usual percentage of criminals. Add to these conditions the idleness, confusion, and animosities incident to a strike, and the results could have been predicted with almost mathematical exact

ness.

The coal-fields are in the front range of foothills to the east of the Rocky Mountair The camps are located in the narrow valleys and gorges between the hills. The strikers' tent colonies are as near their old places of employment as possible. Guards were placed at all company property and in rifle-pits in the adjacent hills. They were equipped with the very best rifles, machine guns, and searchlights. The strikers were in possession of many privately owned rifles, shotguns, and revolvers. One man has confessed to supplying four hundred men with guns. Some evidence of other consignments of guns has come to light. During the first month of the strike numerous battles took place between the strikers and the mine guards, in which several men were killed on both sides and some buildings burned or otherwise destroyed. The writer made quite a careful investigation for the purpose of discovering, if possible, who were the aggressors in these fights. The results indicate that the strikers were usually the attacking party, after more or less provocation by the mine guards. A man who holds a very responsible position with one of the companies said that they had had more trouble with their guards than with the strikers. This man asserted that the guards would provoke trouble in order to render

necessary the employment of more of their friends, or prevent their own discharge, as the operators would not continue the expense of retaining armed men after the situation ceased to demand it. In at least one instance it is asserted that the strikers provoked an attack by guards, during which they shot some men especially obnoxious to them.

On the 25th of October Governor Ammons ordered the militia to mobilize, and on the evening of the 27th orders were received to proceed to the strike district. The Governor's orders were to preserve order and disarm both sides. Since the arrival of the militia there has been practically no disorder, though the strikers have not generally obeyed the demand to surrender their arms. The work of disarming the company guards has been carried on in such manner that about the same proportion of the men on each side retain their arms.

Four days after the arrival of the militia five companies of infantry, one troop of cavalry, and one field battery were sent to Ludlow, a large coal camp thirty miles from headquarters at Trinidad, to receive the guns promised by the strikers and to be assigned to police and patrol duty at neighboring camps. At this place is located the largest the tent colonies.

The writer is a member of one of the companies of infantry, and will not soon forget the impressive incidents which immediately succeeded the detraining of the troops. As we approached the town we found the strikers lined up on one side of the road wearing their working clothes, with picks, drills, and other tools indicating their trade on their shoulders. Many were carrying American flags. On the other side were the children, waving flags and singing patriotic songs, led by a band from the tent colony. We then marched by the tent colony, where these people were living on an allowance of two dollars and fifty cents per week for adults and fifty cents per week for children. To men who will do that for a cause their cause is a religion. We were then given "Halt !" and "At ease." A big soldier said to me, I got a big lump right here in my throat, and I ain't ashamed of it."

The militia have been distributed among the various mining camps and have met with no resistance. There has been no more disorder than might be expected to take place in any other section of the country having equal population. Some progress has been

made in securing the arms of the strikers. There have been several assassinations of mine guards, but these were accompanied by no rioting.

On the whole, the demands of the miners are just. It is entirely probable that the operators have not refused openly to allow the men check-weighmen of their own choosing, nor compelled them to trade at company stores. But it seems equally certain that they did both by indirect methods. As to general working conditions, judging from what can be seen outside and the frequent explosions and other accidents inside, the conditions are perhaps the worst in the country, notwithstanding the fact that the Colorado laws require nearly everything necessary to the safety and comfort of the miners. According to the operators, the men receive an average daily wage of $3.84. They neglect to state, however, that out of this the men must furnish themselves with powder and hand tools and keep their tools in repair.

The real bone of contention, however, is recognition of the union. It was evidently for the purpose of adding this district to its domain that the United Mine Workers of America sent its officers here last summer. The union officers demand that the mines be closed to all non-union men; that the dues, fines, etc., be collected through the office; that the men are to work under contract made by operators and unions. The operators claim that this would occasion a great deal of tedious and trying detail, and that a contract with the union would not be binding, as the union is not incorporated. They assert further that the refusal to join a union does not disqualify a man from becoming an employee of the mines.

This strike is demonstrating the criminal folly of allowing mining companies, or other corporations, to police a whole district with irresponsible professional guards. It is the belief of many that there would have been less disorder and destruction of property if the situation had been left to the ordinary police powers of the State. The worst passions of the strikers are aroused by the very presence of these men on account of their participation in other strikes, notably the recent one in West Virginia.

The plan of sending the militia to the strike area has but one thing to recommend it it was the only thing that could have been done under the circumstances, It is doubtful if any State in the Union could boast of

a military organization so nearly impartial in its attitude toward both sides in such a conflict, or so free from graft and political corruption. Governor Ammons is absolutely honest and very deliberate in his actions in this as in other matters. Notwithstanding all this, the militia is by its very organization unwieldy, ineffective, and outrageously expensive; it is fitted for war duty, but not for police duty. It seems that such territory as this ought to have a specially trained police force, with sufficient reserves that could be called out for strike duty when necessary. If the corporations were taxed for this purpose, it would be less expensive than the system of employing guards and paying them directly out of their own funds.

But by far the most conspicuous lesson of this strike can be drawn from the failure of the State, and the whole Nation as well, to make the securing of social and industrial justice a function of government. Our State government sat powerless for weeks watching these forces gather for conflict; and now that the conflict is on, all that we can do is to suppress violence while twelve thousand men and their families suffer, a great industry is almost paralyzed, many related industries are seriously crippled, and the public caused much inconvenience and additional expense in securing one of the necessities of life. We provide for the protection of every property right except that of the capacity to labor. Our laws do not allow laboring men to be deprived of their rights by violence, but under the law great corporations do so. by other methods. We do not allow groups of laboring men to injure the business of the country by violence, but under the law they do so by other methods. Of course there is the risk of over-regulation, but that is as nothing when we consider the certainty of periodical upheavals such as we are having now. In Canada they have a law requiring both parties to a threatened lockout or strike to submit the matter to arbitration, if either side desires it. Each party to the dispute may choose one member of the board of arbitration, and the Government chooses the third. If either fails to choose a member,

the Government makes the appointment, and the board proceeds to consider the case. The findings of this board are not binding upon either party, but the plan prevents hasty action and gives the facts to the country. It also gives the men time to come out from under the influence of the spellbinders. Of the first forty-eight cases handled by this board forty-seven were settled without strike or lockout. No doubt some such law would be of benefit to this country. It would give us time properly to police the affected area at least. There might also be a law forbidding a strike unless the State had supervised the referendum of the call to strike. In many instances local unions vote under misrepresentation of the issue or actual intimidation.

The railway business is far more complicated than mining, and yet commissions of experts decide the matter of rates in many of our States. Wouldn't it be just as feasible to have a commission establish a minimum wage based upon the earnings of the mines? Then the State would have the power, within certain limitations, to compel both sides to abide by the decision of the commissioners.

This

Governor Ammons has done everything that could have been done under the circumstances to settle the strike. He submitted the proposition that all of the demands of the strikers, except the last two, be granted, and these be submitted to arbitration. the operators accepted, but the strikers rejected it. Secretary Wilson came from Washington to assist in the settlement of the strike, but accomplished nothing. Since rejecting the Governor's proposition the union leaders have lost much sympathy. They have issued a call for a convention to discuss a sympathetic strike of all union labor in the State. The majority of the delegates are opposed to such a strike. In all probability the strike will be ended by the gradual disintegration of the strikers' forces. Already many men from other sections have come to the district and obtained work, while a number of the strikers have deserted and returned to their old positions, and some have left the district altogether. W. T. DAVIS.