plague; but, in the opinion of General Tolmacheff, either is preferable to a hospital controlled by Jews. On the 30th of July last the Jewish medical students of Odessa asked permission of the Prefect to practice as attendants in the Red Cross hospital. In declining their services General Tolmacheff said: "The idea on which such institutions as Red Cross hospitals are founded makes non-orthodox medical attendants out of place in them." Eighteen years ago, during the Russian cholera epidemic of 1892, the Associated Press agent, then stationed in Berlin, cabled as follows: "The announcements from St. Petersburg concerning the enforcement of sanitary regulations in the cholera-stricken districts do not correspond with the facts as seen by the German physicians.. These regulations exist on paper, but are rarely carried out. There are no signs of sanitary precautions in the streets, residences, or lodging-houses; the quarantine regulations are neglected; and healthy travelers are constantly brought into contact with persons thronging from infected places. The German medical men state that they find the hospital arrangements defective, and cite as an instance Yaroslav on the Volga, where the hospital sewage until recently emptied through pipes into the river above the point from which the water supply of the town was drawn. The managers of the same hospitals had failed to burn the beds that had become infected, and had allowed large masses of refuse to accumulate under the windows." Reports from competent observers, recently pub lished in Russian papers, indicate that the Government is as negligent and inefficient now as it was eighteen years ago. number of cholera cases has already reached one hundred and thirteen thousand, with fifty thousand deaths, and yet no national appropriation of money has been made for sanitary purposes. The activity of the Government thus far seems to be mainly confined to the sup pression of Polish medical societies and the closing of hospitals controlled by Jews. Meanwhile cholera has been carried into Italy by a party of Russians from Odessa, who went on a pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Nicholas at Bari, in Apulia, and washed their clothing in the same buckets with which they drew water from Italian The wells. In this age of quick and easy intercommunication no nation lives wholly by or for itself, and one often suffers for another's ignorance. We have no right, we are sometimes told, to meddle, by collective protest or otherwise, in the domestic affairs of another country; but if King Victor Emanuel of Italy fulfills his promise to "go where his people are dying," and if he happens to perish there himself of cholera brought from Russia, his people will think that they have a right to protest, privately, officially, and in every other way, against a system of bureaucratic administration which keeps a whole people in poverty and ignorance, and makes it a menace to the health and safety of the world. REVOLUTION VICTORIOUS The first act of General Es trada, the leader of the revolutionary forces in Nicaragua, after assuming control of the government as provisional President, was to send a despatch to Secretary Knox at Washington assuring the American people of the warm regard entertained for them by the victorious party of the revolution. Estrada's troops entered the capital, Managua, last week, after repeated minor victories over the forces of President Madriz. The defeated President fled from Nicaraguan territory, and no serious resistance was made to the establishment. of a provisional government under the control of General Estrada's brother, and later to the assumption of power by Estrada himself. Thus ends a civil war which has thrown the country of Nicaragua into conditions of distress and almost anarchy for many months. One estimate of the loss asserts that no fewer than three thousand men have been killed in battle, and that as many more have died from wounds or have been permanently crippled. Meanwhile business in some parts of the country has been at a standstill, and American interests in particular have suffered for want of labor to run the mines and plantations. President Madriz has been generally regarded as heading the party which supported the notorious Zelaya before his flight, and American sympathy has accordingly been inclined to side with General Estrada and the revolutionary faction which was called into existence by Zelaya's tyranny. What will follow the recent reversal of political conditions is uncertain. Despatches from Managua state that President Estrada will within a few weeks call for a general election, which will presumably result in the confirmation of his claims to the Presidency. It is not considered improbable at Managua that the United States may be asked to supervise this election in the interests of fair play. There was an outbreak of rioting when the crisis came, and at one time it seemed likely that the United States would be asked to send to Managua its marines, now at Corinto, in order to restore order. Up to the end of the week, however, this measure had not become necessary. The whole situation is an object-lesson which shows that the United States cannot avoid a certain degree of responsibility for peace and business security in those tumultuous and irresponsible Central American states which are so frequently in the throes of revolution. This country has still to receive proper satisfaction and reparation in the case of American citizens killed under Zelaya's orders, and it must have a reasonably stable government to deal with. Another illustration of the same principle is seen in the reports from Panama that it has been proposed to place in the Presidency, through the action of the National Assembly, the Acting President, Señor Mendoza, to fill out the unexpired term of the late Señor Obaldia. This, it is said, is entirely contrary to the Constitution of the Republic of Panama, and it is reported that our State Department has made representations to this effect, and that it will not countenance an unconstitutional action which would be only too apt to result in turmoil and unsettled conditions. The policy of the United States in such matters is not to stand aside indifferently, but to act with firmness and with full recognition of the fact that the world will in some measure hold the United States to account for what happens in the small neighboring republics. cultural College, Amherst, Massachusetts. They discussed the problems of rural life from various points of view. The Conference was designed to emphasize certain ideas. In the first place, it emphasized the value of the community spirit, to the end that the various organizations in the country-the church, the grange, the school, etc.—should be more useful to the rural community, and that the leaders of these organizations should think in terms not only of individuals and institutions, but of the community as a whole. In the second place, it emphasized the need of a division of labor, and consequently cooperation, between the various rural institutions. In the third place, it emphasized the need of leaders in the local community coming together to discuss their distinctive problems and methods of cooperation. At the basis of all the problems appeared the agricultural problem; for unless the work of the dwellers in the country is successful economically their life can hardly be attractive or their community enduring. Consequently stress was laid on vocational training, on the educative value of work on "learning by doing." Each class of agencies in rural development was the subject of a sectional conference." Thus those interested in Village Improvement Societies and playgrounds and the like were engaged in one conference; those interested in rural libraries, in another; teachers of agriculture, in the third; workers in the County Young Men's Christian Associations, in the fourth; in the fifth section, country clergymen; and in the sixth, leaders in the grange. Of course there was . 66 a large crossing over between sections. The imaginary lines between religious and secular disappeared. One interesting subject was the Potato Club' of Hampshire County, Massachusetts, with a membership in 1909 of nearly a thousand boys and girls. Seed was distributed and premiums were offered. Now the movement has extended to the whole State. Corn is now included, and six or seven thousand boys and girls are enrolled. This is but one instance of many indicating the means by which rural life can be organized. What should the rural school be? It is not now distinctive, as it ought to be. It is based on an urban plan. That ques tion was attacked. Perhaps most important because most fundamental was the discussion regarding the rural church. Finally, the following resolutions were adopted: 1. In common with all churches, the country church should emphasize evangelism, moral reform and mission as vital issues in its policy. 2. The country church should be a sympathetic center for all the legitimate interests of the entire community. 3. The different church organizations of each country community should federate for consolidation somewhere and co-operation everywhere. 4. The country church should make a thorough survey of the community as the basis of its work. 5. The country church should promote or inspire: (a) The improvement of schools and their (c) Public recreation through playgrounds. (d) Public health and better living conditions. (e) Co-operation with grange and other community organizations for plans of progress. (f) An Old Home Week. Promote active connection with old and former members. 6. Within the community the country church should determine its policies by the needs of the marginal man. 7. The pastors of country churches should receive salaries commensurate with the present prevailing economic conditions. It is certainly true of the Church that if it would preserve its own life it must lose it for the sake of the community. It must forget denominational ambitions ; it must resist pressure from "officials higher up;" it must surrender its spirit of aloofness. Great credit should be given to the Massachusetts Agricultural College for arranging this conference. Its Presi dent, Dr. Butterfield, expressed the hope that there would soon be established a National Conference on Rural Progress. The problem of rural life is the problem of the soil, the farm, the market, and the family. It is one which calls for the exercise of the highest intelligence; and it has only begun to be studied. We Americans have been so busy struggling with the problems of the city-with the factory, the tenement, the wage-earner, the street, the shop-that we have scarcely given thought to the fact that two-thirds of our people live outside the cities. 9 A NATIONAL SURVEY OF BIBLE STUDY classes for boys and men in the leading churches of thirty-three typical American cities has recently been completed by the International Committee of Young Men's Christian Associations. The survey occupied nearly nineteen months. It involved visiting nearly every geographical section of the country and holding conferences with selected leaders from hundreds of churches of twenty-seven different denominations and numerous Young Men's Christian Associations. Its object was to get at facts with a view to improve conditions and to promote effective co-operation of all the agencies at work in the field of Bible study. Many distressing facts were discussed, but preponderant evidence that "Bible classes which help boys and men to live clean, strong, earnest, useful lives are growing in number and power." Conditions were found to vary more in the geographical sections than in the religious denominations. A more intelligent grasp of the boy problem was found in the North and East than in the South and West. The two most serious problems developed by this survey were (1) that the number of strong, well-trained, and spiritual men in the teaching force is inadequate, and (2) that probably more than ninety per cent of males above twelve years of age are as yet untouched by Bible study, and with present methods are largely inaccessible. To reach these there must be an end of contentment with a single place and time for all Bible classes. The so-called Home Department does not meet the need; the Extension" Bible class is much more promising. The Young Men's Christian Association extension classes in over fifty sorts of places-e. g., camps, car barns, factories, forts, post-offices, shops, wholesale houses revealed to the leaders in nearly every one of the conferences held the missing link in elementary religious education for boys and men. Among the lessons of the survey are these: There must be cooperation, federated effort. Recent literature on successful methods must be read. Trained teachers and variously adapted graded courses are indispensable. The Bible class should be a center of varied interest, social, athletic, moral, civic. Churches and associations must have a scrap-heap for obsolete methods. The Young Men's Christian Association, which has been at the front of advance movements, furnishes a natural meeting-ground for leaders and a logical clearing-house for federated men's work. On this point, as on others, the conferees were generally agreed. The record of the survey, notwithstanding all the inefficiency and inertia which it exposes, leaves the dominant impression that "a genuine, pervasive, and abiding revival of Bible study by boys and men is not simply coming; it is here." For the promotion of effective Bible study nothing at once more informing and more helpful than this survey has come to our knowledge. WHY MEN DON'T GO TO CHURCH So many reasons for the absence of men from church have been advanced from the inner consciousness of various writers that it may be of interest to give a few obtained from the stay-aways themselves. The secretary of a Harvard class recently made preparations for getting out its "Quin-decennial " report. In the first report, published just after graduation, had been a tabulation of the " religious views" of the members. It seemed that a new tabulation of those views as they stand at present might give enlightening comparisons. The question was accordingly asked on the blank for information sent to every man in the class. It was preceded by the promise that no names would be used in tabulating the results, "so that you may be as outspoken as you like." About three hundred and seventy answers were received out of over four hundred men on the active list. Many gave merely their denominational affinities, as was done in the first report. From these it appeared that the Episcopalians, who originally stood second on the list, with seventy-one avowed members, had now moved up to first place with seventyfive. The Unitarians, originally the leaders with seventy-seven, had dropped to fifty-four, the Presbyterians from twentyfour to eleven, the Baptists from twentytwo to eight, while the Congregationalists remained nearly steady, thirty-two or thirty-three in number. Per contra, the Roman Catholics, originally five, had doubled to ten, and several representatives each were now found for Christian Science, Ethical Culture, Christians, and other sects not shown at all fifteen years ago. But many of the answers went further than a mere statement of creed. A large number of men stated that they had no faith," no religion,' my own religion," or put themselves down as attendants at no church." And in many instances the reason was given. The more interesting of these are here copied verbatim. They seem to fall into a few logical groups. First may be put those which appear semi-humorous or frankly physical. mons." 66 99.66 99 66 "Feel Going regularly seems a bit ostentatious." "Have entirely lost the habit." "Tennis does me more good." "Not a victim of an uneasy conscience." "The services are wearisome." "The services are seldom held at convenient hours." Then comes the class that expects amusement even in church-going. "Somehow the Church and its teachings fail to interest me." "Interest less than five years ago." "The doctrine and forms of the Church do not appeal." "So little said or done there that interests me." "Neither dogmas nor preachers interest me." "Inability to be interested in serInferiority of pastors.' "Have a prejudice against the minister." Last come the reasons that imply reasoning. They are sometimes scornful. "Churchgoing is not an essential of life." no interest in a future life or a personal God." "All churches as now conducted are anachronisms." But sometimes they are serious. "When a Sunday service is helpful to the average man, I shall become a regular attendant.” "Have far less faith now in the efficiency or worth of the Church." "Sorrow taught me," says an ex-clergyman (of whom there are already a surprising number in the class), that religion was more sustaining than I had preached, and its institutions less valuable than I had imagined. I have never had more faith than I have to-day in the realities of religion, nor less confidence in its institutions." Without discussing what this evidence tends to show, it is worth while to notice the value of the evidence itself. In the first place, there is no local or sectional bias in these replies. They come from all over the country, and refer, of course, to every kind of "church." Second, they are entirely voluntary and made in apparently absolutely good faith, under the circumstances outlined above. Third, they are made by educated men in the prime of life, neither young and ignorant nor old and opinionated, but men who have had time to look about them and settle on some life philosophy. A large proportion of them are, of course, married and family men. Fourth, they are, generally speaking, men of substance and standing in their communities, not only voicing in most matters the better opinion of those communities, but doing not a little to form that opinion themselves. This brief report may help ministers and churches to the more profitable exercise of considering how far the fault is in themselves and is curable. MENDACIOUS JOURNALISM In the New York" Evening Post" of Friday, August 26, there appeared in an editorial article the following statements: "I will make the corporations come to time," shouted Roosevelt to the mob. But did he not really mean that he would make them come down with the cash to elect him, as he did before? For a man with Mr. Roosevelt's proved record it is simply disgusting humbug for him to rant about the corporations upon whose treasurers he fawned when he was President and wanted their money for his campaign. Does he think that nobody has a memory which goes back to the life insurance investigations, and that everybody has forgotten the $50,000 taken from widows and orphans and added to Theodore Roosevelt's political corruption fund? Did he not take a big check from the Beef Trust, and glad to get it? And now he is going to make the corporations come to time! One can have respect for a sincere radical, for an honest fanatic, for an agitator or leveler who believes that he is doing God's will; but it is hard to be patient with a man who talks big but acts mean, whose eye is always to the main chance politically, and who lets no friendship, no generosity, no principle, no moral scruple stand for a moment between himself and the goal upon which he has set his overmastering ambition. This champion of purity, this roarer for political virtue, is the man who was for years, when in public life, hand in glove with the worst political corruptionists of his day; who toadied to Platt, who praised Quay, who paid court to Hanna; under him as President, Aldrich rose to the height of his power, always on good terms with Roosevelt; it was Roosevelt who, in 1906, wrote an open letter urging the re-election of Speaker Cannon, against whom mutterings had then begun to rise; it was Roosevelt who asked Harriman to come to the White House secretly, who took his money to buy votes in New York, and who afterwards wrote to My Dear Sherman "-yes, the same Sherman-reviling the capitalist to whom he had previously written saying: "You and I are practical men." The "Evening Post" is not in itself. sufficiently important to warrant an answer, but as representing a class with whose hostility it is necessary to reckon in any genuine movement for decent government, it is worth while to speak of it. There are plenty of wealthy people in this country, and of intellectual hangers-on of wealthy people, who are delighted to engage in any movement for reform which does not touch the wickedness of certain great corporations and of certain men of great wealth. People of this class will be in favor of any æsthetic movement; they will favor any movement against the small grafting politician, against the grafting labor leader, or any man of that stamp; but they cannot be trusted the minute that the reform assumes sufficient dimensions to jeopardize so much of the established order of things as gives an unfair and improper advantage to the great corporation, and to those directly and indirectly responsive to its wishes and dependent upon it. The "Evening Post " and papers of the same kind, and the people whose views they represent, would favor attacking a gang of small bosses who wish to control the Republican party; but they would, as the "Evening Post" has shown, far rather see these small bosses win than see a movement triumph which aims not merely at the overthrow of the small political boss, but at depriving the corporation of its improper influence over politics, depriving the man of wealth of any advantage beyond what belongs to him as a simple American citizen. They would be against corporations only after such corporations had been caught in the crudest kind of criminality. I have never for one moment counted upon the support of the "Evening Post" or of those whom it represents in the effort for cleanliness and decency within the |