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THE

BRITISH MONTHLY MAGAZINE,

AND

HISTORICAL RECORD.

JANUARY, 1842.

THE BRITISH CORN-LAWS.

NOTWITHSTANDING all that has been said and written on the all-absorbing subject, the British Corn-laws, no feasible plan has yet been proposed, for placing the foreign corn trade on a basis less objectionable to the operative classes than that, on which the present Corn-laws rest. The sliding scale has its advantages, but its disadvantages also; so would a fixed duty of 8s. the quarter, if adopted to-morrow. Singly, neither are calculated to satisfy the majority of the people; but if amalgamated, a system might be matured, calculated to meet the wishes of almost all classes of the community.

It is asserted by those well qualified to form an opinion on the subject, that no sum under 56s. the quarter of wheat, will remunerate the British corn grower for his outlay, risk, and trouble; and the late Secretary for the Colonies having lately admitted, in his place in the House of Commons, that foreign wheat can be imported into this country, and sold with advantage to the importer at 42s., it follows, that when the average price of wheat is 56s., a duty of 14s. the quarter is required, to afford the British agriculturist the necessary protection against foreign competition. Assuming these to be facts not to be controverted, and, further, that it is the bounden duty of the Government of this country to protect the farmer, to encourage the importer, and to secure to

VOL. I.

the working classes a full and steady supply of bread at a reasonable price, we shall submit for consideration, a few hints, tending to show how all this may be accomplished, and to the entire satisfaction of a large proportion of the population of these realms.

To those engaged in mercantile pursuits, any thing like uncertainty, either as regards import or export duties, must, at all times, prove highly injurious. From the extraordinary fluctuations in the corn duties, caused by the operation of the present sliding scale, the traffic in foreign grain has been greatly circumscribed. No prudent merchant or ship owner now thinks of despatching a vessel to a very distant port for corn, until it is at a famine price in this country, the risk being much greater than any advantage he can possibly expect to derive from the most successful voyage. This is an evil of so serious a nature, that every practicable commercial regulation, which, if adopted, would tend, in the most remote degree, to remove it, should be enforced.

As to what regulations should be adopted and enforced, there would, in all probability, be a considerable diversity of opinion. One thing is certain, that no regulations will satisfy the great body of the people but such, as will enable the merchant, the ship owner, &c. to transport British manufactures to distant parts of the world, and exchange them

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with the natives for corn, the produce of their country, with something approaching to a certainty; that, on returning to this country, they may have it in their power to dispose of their cargoes of grain at a remunerating profit. And, as neither the present sliding scale, nor a fixed duty of 14s. the quarter, would singly have this effect, a fixed duty, of a sufficiently protective character, should be blended with a sliding scale of duties in some such manner as the following:

Fifty-six shillings being the lowest price at which the British agriculturist can dispose of his wheat, with a remunerating profit, a fixed duty of 14s. the quarter, should be imposed on all foreign wheat imported into this country, when the average price falls to, or under 56s., the quarter. And when the average price exceeds 56s. the fixed duty of 148. should then be reduced agreeably to the following sliding scale: viz.,

When the average price shall advance to s. d.

S.

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Thus the merchant and ship owner would be encouraged; the farmer completely protected; and, unless each corn-growing country should be visited at the same time with some severe dispensation of Divine Providence, the combined operations of the fixed duty and sliding scale, would secure to the inhabitants of the United Kingdom, a regular supply of corn at a reasonable price, and without injury to the agricultural interests of the country; for, in seasons of plenty, the small profit which the importer would be enabled to realize, would operate as a check to a large importation of corn; and in seasons of scarcity, the very high rate of profit which the importer would necessarily obtain, would operate as a powerful inducement to him to pour large supplies of foreign grain into the home markets.

The advocates for a fixed duty of 8s. the quarter, object to the present sliding scale on the ground that, when the average price of wheat falls to, or below 63s. the quarter, the import duty operates as an entire prohibition to the importation of corn. And, on the other hand, the friends of the present sliding scale maintain, that a fixed duty of 88. the quarter, would afford no protection whatever to the farmer. I have every reason to believe, however, that the objections of

the latter would, in a great measure, if not altogether, be removed, if, instead of a fixed duty of 8s., one of 14s., when the average price of wheat falls to, or below 56s. the quarter, was substituted. And as, from the great annual increase in the population of the United Kingdom, wheat, in all probability, will more frequently be above than below 56s., the immense reduction in the proposed sliding scale of duties, compared with the present scale, will, I have no doubt, ensure for the scale now submitted, the hearty approval of all those whose object in advocating an alteration in the Corn-laws is, to obtain a cheap loaf of bread for the working man, without injury to the agricultural interests, in any part of the three kingdoms.

Thus we have endeavoured to show how, without injury to the British farmer, the shipping, the mercantile, the working portion of the population may be benefited by a revision of the Corn-laws; we shall now point out how those advantages may be still further increased, by applying the revenue arising from the corn duties-not to the public service, but to the promotion of plans having for their object, the amelioration of the condition of those classes, the wealth and strength of the country, and over whose interests it behoves the rulers of every country to watch, with more than a parent's care.

One very powerful reason why the corn duties should form no part of the ways and means of the country is, that the working classes will be but too apt to view the duty as a tax, almost exclusively paid by themselves, to lessen the annual burdens of their more wealthy neighbours. Were it with no other view, therefore, than to undeceive them in this respect, to convince them by the clearest of all possible evidence, that in levying a duty on corn, the government had no other object in view than the amelioration of their condition, and the increase of the agricultural resources of the country, the whole of the duties arising from foreign corn should be applied to the following purposes:

In Canada, millions of acres of rich land remain unproductive from a want of cultivators, and in this country there are 14,000,000 of acres in a waste state, every acre of which is susceptible of improvement. Admitting that but a very small portion of the latter would produce wheat, still, by far the greater part of it would yield good crops of every other description of grain grown in this country, potatoes, turnips, &c. In what other way, therefore, could the amount of the corn duties be more profitably applied than, to the promotion of emigration to the colonies, to the relief of the distressed portion of the working classes, by placing at their disposal, the means of setting them

selves down on small sections of land in their own country, and providing for their offspring-not by cramming them into an almshouse, but by bringing their allotments of waste land into a high state of cultivation, and thereby adding not only to their personal comfort, but to the permanent prosperity of their country?

To form any thing like a correct estimate of the annual sum which the proposed scale of duties would render available for the purposes now specified, is almost impossible. But, taking the average number of quarters of grain imported into the United Kingdom during the last five years as the probable quantity which would in future be required, and estimating the probable average duty that would be realized in any future year at 6s. per quarter, (a low estimate,) there would be a gross annual revenue, applicable to the purposes previously alluded to, sufficiently large, to make the hearts of thousands leap with joy, who are now suffering every privation that a pinching poverty can inflict.

Although emigration to Canada should be carried into effect on a large scale, it would be prudent at first, perhaps, to restrict it as much as possible to young agricultural labourers, and able-bodied men from the ranks of the operatives, with children of an age able to assist in clearing land, and otherwise paving the way to that independence which, in the New World is denied to none possessed of sober and industrious habits. It would, also, be desirable that a majority of the families emigrating could bear some portion of the expense of transporting them across the Atlantic, that the government might be enabled to carry out the plan on a most extensive scale; the present state of our relations with the United States rendering a reinforcement of ten, fifteen, or twenty thousand men highly desirable.

It may be asked, and the query would be a very natural one, How are the ministers of the crown to carry into effect that part of the plan, which bears upon the settlement of the working classes on allotments of land at home, seeing that almost every acre of the 14,000,000 now waste, but capable of being improved, is the property of private individuals?

That obstacles arising from this cause would have to be encountered and surmounted, is certain. But the object to be attained being one of great national importance, and not to be effected in any other way than by bringing into cultivation a very large portion of those 14,000,000 of acres, the proprietors of those acres should be told that, the situation of the country was such, it behoved them either to render their waste lands productive, in proportion to the increase in the population, or to part with

them for others, smaller in extent, but superior in point of quality and cultivation, or for a fair and equitable compensation in cash. Heirs of entail, and those who are year after year adding to their already overgrown estates, might, perhaps, growl a little at so summary a way of settling the matter. But, should heirs of entail, or other landed proprietors, be permitted to stand in the way of a final settlement of a vital question affecting the very existence of their country as an independent state? Decidedly not. And in this assertion we are borne out by the proceedings of those who, during the last fifteen years, have been engaged in carrying into effect, improved lines of inland navigation, and railway communication.

It would not be necessary, however, for some years to interfere in any way with entailed property, as, from the proprietors of unentailed estates it would be no very difficult matter to obtain, by private agreement, land in lots sufficiently large to enable the government to carry out the plan, hereafter detailed, on a scale large enough to enable it to determine, as to the practicability of following it up to the contemplated extent. For trial, therefore, government should purchase a few tracts of waste land, but capable of improvement; three in England, two in Ireland, and one in Scotland, each tract to consist of 2000 acres, and to be parcelled out into lots of eight acres, and those again subdivided into smaller portions of two acres each. In the centre of each eight acre lot, four houses, but under one roof, should be built, each to consist of two apartments, and to each house, one of the two acre lots should be attached. On being finished, men with large families, of good moral character and industrious habits, should be selected as tenants; the whole taken from the working population in the following proportions: viz., One agricultural labourer and three operatives to each lot of eight acres.

The object aimed at by this arrangement is, that in the management of their little farms and gardens, the latter may have the aid and advice of men of practical experience in garden and field labour, as, from their daily habits and employment, but few of them are qualified to become cultivators of the soil. The arrangement would, in effect, establish numerous small preparatory schools in which the operatives and their families would acquire that knowledge of agricultural pursuits which would enable them, should they at some future period resolve upon a trip to Canada, to cultivate the rich land of that delightful colony with advantage to themselves and to their adopted country.

For the first four years of their lease, the original tenants should not be called upon for any thing in the shape of rent, but ever

after, a yearly sum, equal to 5 per cent., on the cost price of the cottage and land, should be demanded; which, being added to the corn duty fund, would enable the government to extend the sphere of their useful

ness.

Idleness being the parent of crime, every exertion should be made to procure work for the unemployed tenants and their families. To masons, carpenters, and labourers, constant employment would be found for a year or two in building houses and walls, and in making drains, roads, &c. In hoeing and weeding their little farms, the women and children might be very usefully employed, when the latter were not required by the schoolmaster. No individual should be kept idle; all who are not actually incapacitated from age or infirmities, should have some work assigned them to perform, even though their daily earnings should amount to a few pence only; for though, individually, the daily wages of each might be trifling, yet, the united earnings of a family of six or seven persons, even at the rate of sixpence a day, would, at the close of a year, amount to a very considerable sum.

To provide effectually for the education of the children, and the spiritual instruction of the whole population, two churches, and a similar number of school-houses, with residences for the clergymen and teachers, should be erected on each lot of 2000 acres, and respectable salaries assigned to each. And, as much ignorance prevails amongst the working classes respecting the great truths of the gospel, no tenant who does not regularly attend divine worship with his family, or does not enforce the regular attendance of his children at school, should be allowed to remain a single day in possession of either a house or lot of land. Many worthy men are prevented from attending church, by poverty denying to them the means of clothing themselves in a manner suited, to the sacred character of the house dedicated to the service of the living God. It is extremely probable, therefore, that amongst the occupiers of the various cottages, many may be found to be placed in this situation. To enforce this regulation against men struggling with poverty, not brought on themselves and families by their personal misconduct, would be cruel and altogether unchristian, without first affording them the means of complying with the regulation; or, in other words, of purchasing for themselves and families suitable articles of wearing apparel. A small advance to each family so situated, would be attended with the most beneficial effects, and gladden the hearts of thousands who, for years have never once entered the portals of a place of worship.

By means of the church and educational

establishments on each estate, and a due enforcement of the regulations regarding the attendance of the tenants and families at church, and of their children at school, a highly moral and religious tone would be given to operative society, not only on the various estates, but throughout the landfrom the Land's-end to John o' Groats. And, the effect would be much heightened if all those families, who, at the expiration of four years, could produce certificates of good conduct from the clergyman of their church and the head teachers, were to be allowed the option of remaining on their several locations three years longer, rent free, or a free passage to Canada, and an allotment of land, not exceeding ten acres, free of all charge, save local assessments. If a system of emigration, founded on good conduct, were established, and warmly backed by the government, the most gratifying consequences to that colony would be the inevitable result. Some people talk of emigration to Canada, as if all that was necessary was, to carry every poor creature that offers, across the Atlantic, cast them ashore on the banks of the St. Lawrence, and there leave themthough without any means of supporting themselves, or prospect of doing so by personal labour. But this heartless system must be for ever abolished. It must never for a moment be listened to or tolerated by the present ministry. No! Emigrants must no longer be carried to Canada to become the companions of poverty, and all the ills to which it is heir. To those who have the means of cultivating land, small allotments should be given on favourable terms; and for those who have no pecuniary resources, labour should be provided; for it is derogatory to the character of Great Britain knowingly to permit any of her children to remain on a distant shore, poor, houseless, penniless wanderers. It is the duty of the government to watch over the emigration arrangements at the various ports with a scrutinizing eye, and not to permit any individual to proceed to Canada unless he can satisfy the government agent, that he is possessed of capital sufficient to enable him to set himself quietly and comfortably down in the forests of Canada, or that permanent employment awaits him on his arrival in that country.

It is, no doubt, of the very utmost importance to this country that the tide of emigration to Canada should set in at an early period, as, from the appearance of the political horizon in that quarter, there is no knowing how soon the male population of the colony may require the assistance of a few thousands of the hardy sons of the mother country. But under whatever circumstances this country might be placed, it

would be infinitely better, in case of an American war, alias invasion of Canada, to have a few men, with an interest in the soil, than a crowd with nothing but the clothes on their backs. For the former, having a stake in the country worth contending for, would ever be ready to take arms in its defence; whereas the latter, having nothing to lose, would be more apt to join the invaders in hopes of plunder, than their loyal brethren in defence of the country.

In maturing their plans for the further extension of emigration to the colonies, ministers, it is hoped, will bear these facts in remembrance; for, as by the proposed alteration in the corn duties, 100,000l. would be yearly placed at the disposal of ministers for the sole purpose of encouraging emigration to Canada, &c., it is evident that, unless a prudent selection of emigrants were made by the government agents, this large sum, instead of furnishing additional means for the defence of Canada, might add most materially to the means of offence.

If this splen

did appendage of the British crown, is to be preserved from pollution by the hand of the foreigner, emigration to Canada on a most extensive scale must not only be decided upon, but carried into immediate effect; that, when the trumpet of war again sounds the dread note of battle along the banks of the St. Lawrence, and lakes of Canada, the Governor-general may find himself in a situation to bid defiance to those who are only waiting for a favourable opportunity to carry into execution a long-contemplated invasion of that country, with the view of wresting it out of our hands.

The plan detailed in the preceding pages for the amelioration of the condition of the labouring classes, and to increase the agricultural resources of the empire, would, no doubt, be objected to on the score of expense by those economists who maintain that a penny saved is a penny won. But it is hoped that the following estimate will satisfy the greatest stickler for economy, that any objection on the ground alluded to, would be thrown away.

To form any thing like a correct estimate of the expense of an undertaking of this magnitude, is, of course, impossible, as that must in a great measure depend upon the quality of the land, and the price of the building materials, &c. But taking the average price of

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Taking, therefore, the average number of each of the 1000 families, on each estate, at five, and calculating the interest of the above sum at 3 per cent. per annum, and adding 8001. for clergymen and schoolmasters' salaries, the total annual expense of providing a comfortable residence of two apartments, and two acres of land for each of the 1000 families, including education for the children, and church accommodation, and spiritual instruction for the whole, would amount to the very insignificant sum of 21. 7s. 6d. ! or about 9s. 6d. each person; being only the twentieth part of the sum required to support a pauper in a workhouse !!

In what other manner, therefore, would it be possible for the government of this, or any other country, to provide for the distressed portion of the working classes at so trifling a charge? This alone should recommend the plan to the proper authorities for favourable consideration. But its claims upon the government are deserving of attention upon another account; for, to all the other advantages already mentioned, have to be added that of breathing the pure air of heaven day and night without the walls of a workhouse, and the inestimable blessing of disposing of their personal labour to the best account they can, and applying the proceeds to their own purposes without any deductiona privilege which no inmate of a poorhouse can possibly enjoy. Altogether, the advantages are so many and important, that no person can for a moment hesitate to decide, between the present poor-laws and the mod e of providing for the poor now recommended for adoption; for while it must, as a matter of course, better the condition of the occupants of the various locations, it must, also, tend to increase the agricultural resources of the country.

It may possibly be asserted that, two acres of land will not yield to a family of five persons the requisite quantity of food. Every lot might not do so, as much would necessarily depend on the quality of the land, and the manner in which it is cultivated. But, from the amazing improvements which we have witnessed in various parts of the country, where small lots of land of inferior

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