alty of the country would enable them to meet much greater difficulties than these. He then proposed several resolutions, which, after a few observations from Mr. Tierney, Mr. Ponsonby, and others, were agreed to.

June 23.-The order of the day for the first reading of the bill from the lords, for suspending the habeas corpus act, having been read, Lord Castlereagh said no individual could feel more deeply than he did the importance of that measure which he now considered it to be his duty to recommend to the house. He was sensible of the heavy responsibility which must fall on those who called for it, and on all hands it must be admitted to be a serious encroachment on the rights of the subject, during the time for which it was to be continued. It then be came a question, whether the internal state of the country was such as to call for so strong a measure, whether the ordinary laws were sufficient, or whether, if these were not sufficient, other measures less strong than the suspension of the habeas corpus ought not to be resorted to? In arguing on this measure, he protested at the outset against any inference being drawn, that ministers,in forming their judgement on it, were subject to any undue bias in its favour. He trusted that he was addressing an audience who were too fairly disposed, to believe such powers would be called for if the members of the administration believed the government of the country could safely go on without them. Nothing but a sense of duty--but a conviction, that for the safe ty of the loyal and the peaceable, and for the preservation of the constitution itself, they were necessary, could, he was certain, have made them content to take upon themselves

that arduous responsibility which attached to a measure like that now under the consideration of the house. He hoped their past conduct was such, as to prove they would not have advised the continuance of the habeas corpus suspension act, if they were not satisfied, that of all the measures that could be resorted to, this would be the most effectual, and might, as it would be used, prove least injurious to the people at large. The course pursued by ministers, in confining the measure to this part of the kingdom, and in limiting it to time as they had done, must, he thought, prove to every impartial person, that they were unwilling to overstep the necessity of the case, or to apply the law when in force to any but its legiti mate objects-the preservation of the constitution, and the protection of the loyal and the well disposed. He wished the house to decide on its adoption or rejection, purely from the facts which were brought before them. He protested against the inference that had been drawn, that to bring in a bill like this was to libel the whole country, and to prefer a general bill of indictment against the people of England. He did not call for this measure against the people; but, on the contrary, he demanded it for them, in order to protect them in the exercise of their industry against the machinations of agitators, which were hostile to their interests as they were to those of the country at large. The adoption of such a measure might alarm those who knew themselves to be guilty of treasonable designs: but, in his conscience, he believed the loyal and peaceable part of the community would feel no uneasiness about it, but, on the contrary, would be grateful for the passing of the bill, which they would re

gard

gard as a measure of protection. He argued, at some length, in opposition to those who were of opinion, that supposing treasonable designs to exist, those by whom they were entertained were too insignifi cant to merit the serious attention of parliament. Though happily the disaffection was confined to the lower orders, yet still he contended the danger was formidable. He showed the lower classes of the ma. nufacturers to be confident in their own strength; to possess consider able acuteness, knowledge of the law, and ingenuity to evade it. To the manufacturers he stated these designs to be in a great measure restricted. They had studied precedents from the history of the treasons of former times, and it was not necessary in his mind for higher characters to take part with them to enable them to succeed if they were not well watched. They might at any rate succeed so far as to cover the country with desolation for a time. He wished the attention of the house to be directed to two points: the consideration of the events which preceded the 15th of April might first deserve their consideration. It would then be for them to look to what had occurred subsequent to that period. This di. vision of the subject, according to dates, he thought of some import ance. Those who had formerly opposed the habeas corpus suspension bill, might, he thought now, with the additional experience they possessed, feel justified in supporting the bill for renewing that act; but he could hardly think it possible that those who concurred with him on the former occasion could oppose the present bill, as the case for its renewal was infinitely stronger than that made out for passing the law now in force. Not only had

additional conspiracies been discovered, but, in the late inquiry, the former conspiracies had been confirmed; and now to refuse to renew the bill would give a fresh impulse to the traitors in the country, who would derive additional strength and courage from the numbers now in custody, who would then be enabled to join them, and assist in the prosecution of their designs. He denied that the result of the late trial proved that there was no treason in the country, though God forbid that he should arraign the decision come to by the jury. No person could, he thought, shut his eyes to this fact, that there was treason in the country-(separating it from the individuals lately on their deliverance)-as every thing that had transpired went to prove that fact. Those who supported the suspension of the habeas corpus act at the commencement of the present session, could not in his opinion refuse to vote for the present bill, supported as it was by such an accumulation of additional evidence. He was anxious that the events down to the 15th of April should be considered separately, because he expected an attempt would be made to create a belief that the conspiracies which had been formed, had been in a great measure brought about by the emissaries of government sent into the country for that purpose. Mr. Oliver, who was supposed to be the moving cause of all, he showed, did not leave London before the 17th of April, to go on his first mission. It was plainly seen that an explosion had been intended, with which he could have nothing to do. This would result from the reading of the second report of the secret committee, unless they absolutely disbelieved it. Three periods, it might be seen, were indi

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cated,

cated, at which an effort was to have been made; and at three several times the conspirators had brought their preparations so nearly to a point as to think of naming the day on which they were to proceed to action. In two of these cases, it was quite clear that Mr. Oliver could have nothing to do with the designs of the conspirators-that no part of their proceedings could be ascribed to his exertions.-That person had not been sent down to encourage the disaffected to riot and insurrection. The fact was, he had become incidentally possessed of some information respecting their designs, which he had communicated to the government at a time when he was not known to the se

cretary of state. He did not leave town till the 17th of April, and at no period had the treason in agitation assumed a more malignant character than that which belonged to it on the 30th of March, when the destruction of Manchester was contemplated. This was before Mr. Oliver was in communication with the government. That plan was only frustrated by the arrest of the delegates. With these proceedings, and with those of the 9th March, Mr. Oliver had no connexion whatever. He had never been sent to the country, to encourage the disaffected to commit acts of treason. It might be that the appearance of a person in the character which he assumed that of a delegate from London-would have the effect in some instances to encourage the conspirators; but he apprehended the government were justified, if they had reason to believe that such designs were in contemplation as they had been informed of, to send down somebody so see what the parties were about. Oliver was directed to go there for this purpose, and

not to excite those on whom he was to be a spy to any acts of a criminal nature. The fact was, he was applied to by a delegate from the country-a leading man and a wellknown character, to satisfy himself of the spirit which existed where he had been; and he was told that if London would not unite with them, the people of the country were determined to risk a rising by themselves. Mr. Oliver had nothing at all to do with them before this delegate and another leading man introduced him to them. The person connected with the delegate had been about to leave the country; but understanding the effort was immediately to be made, he determined to remain, in order to cooperate with the conspirators. Mr. Oliver was then invited to go into the country; and on this he communicated to government what had passed, whether he ought to avail himself of the opportunity or not. He was authorized to do so, but no one had been base enough to direct him to excite them to acts of violence, and so far as government had been informed of his proceed. ings he had not done this. Those who now complained Mr. Oliver's conduct had been so very improper-those whose only object was parliamentary reform-had never taken Mr. Oliver by the throat, and carried him before a magistrate, when he ventured to avow designs of a different character. It never occurred to them to do this, and his conduct was passed quietly over. At Nottingham it was clear that Mr. Oliver was not concerned in the rising which it was intended should take place on Whit-Monday, and which was afterwards put off till the 9th of June. He left the country before the deliberations of May 23, on the subject of the rising, and

did not leave London on his return till the evening of that day, after the discussion was over. What had taken place, therefore, on that occasion could not be brought home to him. What Mr. Oliver had or had not done while in the country, it was impossible for ministers to tell exactly; but this he (lord Castlereagh) knew, he had had no instructions to take the part he was reported to have taken. It was not known that he had been guilty of that which was imputed to him, and there was reason to believe that his exertions had materially contributed to prevent the intended explosion of June 9. He thought the information of the man was entitled to considerable credit. With respect to the numbers, the delegate, who had introduced Oliver, had given very large and magnificent reports of them; and the numbers stated by Oliver to the persons he was represented to have invited to rebel, were the same as those mentioned to him by the delegate. He entered his protest against the system of imputation on government for taking the measures necessary to prevent rebellion. Were they to suffer it to take the field before they attempted to counteract its effects? he thought that the contrary was their duty. All information had not been received from common spies, but many persons had considered it their duty to communicate what they knew. He blamed the attempt to throw odium on such persons as calculated to prevent individuals from coming forward. The measure now proposed to be renewed had already rendered considerable service. From the judgement of all magistrates it had checked insurrection, and been more effective than any of the other measures adopted by parliament. It

operated as the house must have wished it, as a preventive to offence rather than as a punishment. It had occasioned a considerable decrease of mischief, and if continued would prove a sufficient remedy to the evils by which the peace of the country was menaced.

Mr. Ponsonby rose, for the purpose of stating facts which would prevent the house from adopting a measure so vicious in principle. If he should advance any thing incorrectly, he hoped he should immediatly be set right by the other gentlemen who had had access to the same information. If he were to say that he believed Oliver suggested, formed, and first conceived the design of an insurrection in the country, he should say that which he did not credit. He did not conceive that Oliver had first conceived the plan, but he had had predecessors in that laudable course. Who they were he could not tell; but a number of persons seemed to have been in the confidence of government, and the magistrates, with whom he was unacquainted; he should only name one, whom he had authority to name, as he had been examined personally in the committee, and his case had already been brought before the house. He meant Öliver. The intended movements at Manchester had been stated on evidence which had induced the committee to believe them true. The names of particular individuals had been mentioned, but the information led to the knowledge of an association of a very different kind from that mentioned in the house; one of a more bloody and diabolical character than had ever existed, but which did not seem to have the least political object in view. It was the association of the Luddites. It had commenced some years ago, and L 4

still

still continued; and all the most atrocious suggestions which had been made at the meetings of the discon tented, had proceeded from Lud. dites who had mixed themselves with those assemblies. It was probable that their advice had had some effect, but he did not believe that the mass of the people had ever intended to engage in such designs. Their only object was, to induce government to adopt the measures which they thought necessary for their relief. It was to be understood that the committee affirmed nothing of its own knowledge: it stated things to have taken place, but gave no information respecting their causes or their chief actors. In the month of March last, a person had come to London, calling him. self a delegate from the country. He had applied to a man then in London, but now in America, saying that the people of the country felt the evils of their situation most grievously; that they were tired of the government, and ready to throw off their allegiance. He then asked what was the state of things in London, and the disposition of the people to concur in the same end. The answer was, "that things were not in the same way in London, nor the people in the same disposition." The person addressed added, "that he intended never more to trouble his head on the subject, but would leave London and England itself." He had accordingly done so. The delegate, the person applied to, and a friend, agreed to leave London for the country together, and having made the acquaintance of Oliver, consented to take him with them. They quitted London all four together; but before they did so, Oliver applied to the secretary of state, revealed all he knew, and asked permission to go with the de

legate. The secretary of state gave him that permission, and he went to examine the state of the country and report to government. In justice, he must say, that it did not in the least appear that the secretary of state had desired this man to do any act which might induce others to engage in criminal proceedings.-After staying a while in the country, the person first applied to sailed from Liverpool for America, and his friend returned to London. The delegate remained and introduced Oliver to the disaffected, as a man in whom they might place the most implicit faith, as a second self. He was received as such, and became accredited to them as the London delegate, and consequently acquired high distinction amongst them. He remained in the country one month, for he had left London on the 17th of April, and came back the 17th of May. Appearing as the London representative, he was frequently asked as to the disposition of the people, the number of friends which the disaffected might have in the metropolis, their strength, and the assistance which might be expected from them. These questions he evaded as well as he could, and gave the inquirers to understand that he was not come to inform them how many friends they had in London, but had been sent by the London conspirators to ascertain the strength of their friends in the country, and their disposition to join them. He stated that the Londoners would not start first, but that the country people must commence the insurrection, and if they could stand for three days, then they would be joined by the Londoners. Some of his constituents had represented, that in the eastern division of London 75,000

men