discussed was the conduct of the government of Ireland in the crisis of 1797 and 1798. Was this so slight a question that it might be treated collaterally? Would the motion before the house, which, with all its alterations and additions, and blots and un-erased pencil marks -among all the many topics which it touched, said not one word about this-would the motion reconcile the house to the conduct of the Irish government?-But in the motion, with all its complicated alterations, one thing had escaped the various heads which had been concerned in framing it. No allusion was made in it to that which occupied no small portion of the attention of the house, and of which the house had in his opinion most properly disposed; namely, the numerous petitions for parliamentary reform. When the unfortunate historian so often alluded to, who in future times undertakes the task of recording the events of these days, should, for an account of the business of the session now closing, refer to the voluminous epitome of the honourable and learned gentleman, how would he be disappointed! Not one word about those numerous petitions for reform, of the contents of which it might be said,

Facies non omnibus una, Nec diversa tamen," &c.

though in respect to this part of its business, happily it had not proved a land of performance)-how did it happen that he omitted that which principally marked the session? He really wondered that some of the honourable and learned gentleman's friends did not insist upon inserting a paragraph upon this subject. How could they have consented to acknowledge this as a true picture of the session, which omitted the most characteristic feature? How could they acknowledge this portrait, in which the nose was left out?-It might be said of this motion, what the poet had said"Authors lose half the praise they would have got,

Did readers know but half of what they blot."

No man who had seen the manuscript of this unfortunate motion could miss observing, that it was even more remarkable by what it left out, than by what it contained. But it was easy to guess why nothing was said about parliamentary reform. There were many grada tions among the reformers. There was first the honourable baronet (sir Francis Burdett), who stood forward for annual parliaments and universal suffrage, as established by Hugo the Great, first conqueror of the Picts-who, while he built the wall with one hand, established uni

ments with the other.-But the Hu gonists had more recent antagonists, who formed the second class and the third class, among whom was the honourable and learned gentleman, who scouted the doctrines of the Hugonists and others, with more ridicule and contempt than he (Mr. C.) could venture to use towards such respectable au-' thorities. When all these differences were considered, it would be

less

less surprising that nothing was said in the motion about parliamentary reform. But there was a graver objection to the motion-that it contained not one word about the decision of the house to return the constitution firm and unimpaired. This was the proudest feature in the session. Not one word was said as to what the house had done towards retrenchment. The total abolition of sinecures, against which the cry of the people was so distinctly heard, and so implicitly attended to by the legislature, was also entirely omitted in the motion. The honourable and learned gentleman thought the exhilarating prospects of the country at this time were fallacious, and therefore they were unnoticed. What was the state of the country in January last?-Was it not that then

"Good men look sad, but ruffians dance

and sing?"

But now how has the prospect altered? The words of the poet were now reversed. The ruffian was now abashed, and good men danced and sung. In this state of things the house was to separate, and they might go boldly forth to meet their constituents, satisfied that they had done their duty, and justified in telling them that this happy change, the proceedings of the house in the late session had mainly under Providence contributed to effect.

Mr. Brougham replied.

After a few explanatory words from Mr. Canning and Mr. Huskisson, the motion was negatived without a division.

July 12.-This being the day appointed for the prorogation of parliament, this house, as is usual on such occasions, was crowded to excess at an early hour, both within and without the bar,

At two o'clock the lord chancellor took his seat on the woolsack, and in half an hour the discharge of 21 guns announced the arrival of his royal highness the prince regent, who, after the usual formalities in the robing chamber, entered the house, and took his seat near the throne.

Shortly afterwards the speaker of the house of commons, very numerously attended by the members of that house, entered the house, and advanced to the bar; the usher of the black rod being on his right, and the sergeant at arms on his left.

The speaker then addressed his royal highness in a short speech, in which he took a review of the business of the session; and, in conclusion, presented to his royal highness a bill, entitled "an act for ap plying certain moneys therein mentioned for the service of the year 1817; and for further appropriating the supplies granted in this session of parliament."

At the conclusion of this speech the lord chancellor received the bill, to which the royal assent was given.

His royal highness the prince re gent then read his speech, of which the following is a copy:

"My lords and gentlemen, "I cannot close this session of parliament, without renewing my expressions of deep regret at the continuance of his majesty's lamented indisposition, The diligence with which you have applied your. selves to the consideration of the different objects which I recommended to your attention at the commencement of the session, demands my warmest acknowledge, ments; and I have no doubt that the favourable change which is hap pily taking place in our internal situation, is to be mainly ascribed to the salutary measures which you

have adopted for preserving the public tranquillity, and to your ready adherence to those principles by which the constitution, resources, and credit of the country have been hitherto preserved and maintained. Notwithstanding the arts and industry which have been too successfully exerted in some parts of the country to alienate the affections of his majesty's subjects, and to stimulate them to acts of violence and insurrection, I have had the satisfaction of receiving the most decisive proofs of the loyalty and public spirit of the great body of the people; and the patience with which they have sustained the most severe temporary distress, cannot be too highly commended. I am fully sensible of the confidence which you have manifested towards me, by the extraordinary powers which you have placed in my hands: the necessity which has called for them, is to me matter of deep regret; and you may rely on my making a temperate but effectual use of them, for the protection and security of his majesty's loyal subjects.

"Gentlemen of the house of commons, I thank you for the supplies which you have granted to me; and for the laborious investigation which, at my recommendation, you have made into the state of the income and expenditure of the country. It has given me sincere pleasure, to find that you have been enabled to provide for every branch of the public service without any addition to the burthens of the people. The state of public credit affords a deci. sive proof of the wisdom and expediency, under all the present circumstances, of those financial arrangements which you have adopted. I have every reason to believe, that the deficiency in the revenue is,

in a degree, to be ascribed to the unfavourable state of the last seas son, and I look forward with sanguine expectations to its gradual improvement.

"My lords and gentlemen,-The measures which were in progress at the commencement of the session, for the issue of a new silver coinage, have been carried into execution in a manner which has given universal satisfaction; and, to complete the system which has been sanctioned by parliament, a gold coinage of a new denomination has been provided for the convenience of the public.-I continue to receive from foreign powers the strongest assurances of their friendly disposition towards this country, and of their desire to preserve the general tranquillity. The prospect of an abundant harvest throughout a considerable part of the continent, is in the highest degree satisfactory. This happy dispensation of Providence cannot fail to mitigate, if not wholly to remove, that pressure under which so many of the nations of Europe have been suffering in the course of last year; and I trust that we may look forward, in conse quence, to an improvement in the commercial relations of this and of all other countries. I cannot allow you to separate without recom. mending to you, that upon your res turn to your several counties, you should use your utmost endeavours to defeat all attempts to corrupt and mislead the lower classes of the community; and that you should lose no opportunity of inculcating amongst them that spirit of concord and obedience to the laws, which is not less essential to their happiness as individuals, than it is indispensa ble to the general welfare and prosperity of the kingdom."

The

The lord chancellor then read the commission for proroguing the parliament till the 25th of August

next.

His royal highness now withdrew, and the commons retired from the bar.

D

URING a period of peace, the internal state and circumstances of a country present more ample and interesting materials for the annalist and historian, than any thing connected with or resulting from its foreign relations: This remark is most strictly applicable to Great Britain. If, indeed, we advert to the short time which has elapsed since France was under the power of Bonaparte ;-since his ambition and talents, aided by the military ardour and success of the French nation, had reduced nearly the whole of the continent of Europe, directly or indirectly, under his sway, we might be disposed to think that our attention would still be most anxiously and deeply fixed on the probabilities of the continued repose of France, and consequently of Europe. This, undoubtedly, is an interesting and momentous question; and it is one which would probably fill our thoughts and anticipations, almost to the exclusion of every other, were it not that our own country's situation was so critical, or rather so unparalleled either in its own history or in the history of any other nation. The state in which it has been left at the termination of a most arduous, obstinate, protracted, but successful warfare, may be told in a few

words:-A debt of nearly one thousand millions, a sum almost beyond the grasp of the imagination, or the power of numbers; an expenditure of nearly sixty millions annually; many of the sources of revenue dried up,-some of them certainly for ever; and others, though they may partially recover, yet cannot flow as abundantly and regularly as they formerly did; want of employment, and consequent misery, the lot of a very large proportion of the agricultural and manufactur ing classes; the poor-rates, though raised within forty years from about one million to nearly eight millions, totally inadequate to the support of those who claim them; disaffection spreading among those who are thus distressed, and too many ready to take advantage of their distresses to rouse them into open acts of re sistance to the government. Such are the features in the state of our country at the conclusion of the second French revolutionary war, that must catch the eye and occupy the thoughts of the most careless ob server.

Such being the internal state of the country, it will easily be perceived that a more full and detailed development of it is the para. mount duty of the annalist and historian. He will of course not neg⚫

lect

lect to pourtray the relations which his own country bears to other countries, especially when he reflects that on their continuing to be amicable or of an opposite character, must depend the amelioration, or the increase of the evils under which it labours.

With these impressions we have entered into a pretty detailed account of the state of the agriculture, manufactures, and commerce of Britain, ever since she has ceased to be at war; and in this volume we shall pursue the same plan.

We shall begin with the state of agriculture, or rather of the agricultural interests, during the currency of the year 1817. Till within the last half century, when Britain began to be distinguished for the extent and improvements of her manufactures, and the consequent importance of her commerce, it was a favourite position with her politicians and political economists, that agriculture was of much more importance to a state, than manufactures or commerce; the reverse position was afterwards maintained; but we are much mistaken, if the circumstances in which the country has been placed during the last two years, have not had a tendency to reconvert her politicans and political œconomists to their former doctrine. This at least is certain; during the two revolutionary wars in which Britain has been engaged, her manufactures and commerce have sustained at least three or four very severe shocks, and from them have proceeded great pecuniary difficulties, as well as much misery among the labouring classes: but these difficulties and this misery were light, and of small extent or duration, compared with those which desolated the land in consequence of the agricultural distress

that has taken place during the last two years. It was supposed, if the price of the necessaries of life fell

if corn and cattle were reduced to what were called their peace prices-that the country would benefit much; that the great mass of the people would be the gainersthat our manufacturers would be enabled to sell their goods cheaper, the price of labour falling with the price of provisions-and that the only drawback to all this good, would be the temporary and very limited distress of the farmer. This opinion, though plausible, has been put to the proof, and found utterly erroneous:-- -All kinds of agricultural produce fell rapidly and greatly in price; but the beneficial consequences did not take place: on the contrary, woeful experience convinced many, who had eagerly looked forward for peace prices, that it was better for them to have full employment at good wages, even though bread and other kinds of provisions were dear, than to see the necessaries of life cheap, while, from want of employment, they were unable to purchase them. In fact, this conviction was wrought in their minds: That cheapness and dearness depend as much on the ability of a person to purchase, as on the price demanded for any article; and that bread may in reality be very dear in France, or any other country, at one penny a pound, if the earnings of the labourer are reduced in a greater ratio.

The distress arising from the depression of the agricultural interests, was first felt in those villages, the shopkeepers, &c. of which entirely or mainly depended for their trade on the demands of the farmers and their labourers: but those shopkeepers, no longer receiving so much from their customers, were

unable